The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part VII – Alexander Severus: The End of the Severan Dynasty

Greetings Readers and Romanophiles!

Welcome back to The World of The Hearts of Heroes, the blog series in which we are exploring the history, people, and places behind-the-scenes of the newest Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy novel. 

If you missed the previous post on the very first church at Glastonbury, you can read that by CLICKING HERE.

In this seventh and final article, we’re going to look at the reign of Emperor Alexander Severus (A.D. 222-235) and how it brought about the end of the Severan dynasty.

Let’s begin…

The Severan Dynasty (Wikimedia Commons)

Sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.

‘There are tears for things, and mortal sorrows touch the heart.’

(Virgil, The Aeneid, 1.462)

It has been quite an adventure getting to this point in the Eagles and Dragons series for, like the hero Aeneas looking back on his memories of war and toil above, my time spent with the Severans, researching and writing about them, has come to an end.

The Severan dynasty is, strangely enough, often overlooked by historians, authors, and scriptwriters who tend to focus on the sensational Julio-Claudians or the stoic Antonines. This is somewhat surprising as the years from A.D. 193 to A.D. 235 not only saw the Roman Empire at its greatest extent and power, but the period also, as is believed by some historians, brought about the beginning of the end of the Roman Empire.

However, it was the lack of attention to the Severans that provided the opportunity with this series of books to cut a new path to explore the history of this dynasty through fiction. From the powerful rise of Septimius Severus and the ‘Syrian women’, their actions, and the mistakes of their heirs, we have received a masterclass in the nature of power and politics, the importance of military might, and the fragility of the Pax Romana. We have learned about the two-faced nature of trust and the fickle ways of fortune.

The dynasty that Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) established through sheer will, blood, and determination eventually came to a lamentable end due to flawed nature of familial love, the shortcomings of his successors, and the jealousies and aspirations of others.

The Hearts of Heroes takes place in the final years of the Severans, during the reign of its last emperor, Alexander Severus. As we shall see, at the outset of his reign, he provided a much-needed glimmer of hope during a dark period in Rome’s history, but it was not enough to prevent the eventual downfall of that once-powerful family…

Map of the Roman Empire at its greatest extent (Oxford Research Encyclopedias)

Before we get into the reign of Alexander Severus, it is important to look at the brief reign of his slightly older cousin, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, known to us as Emperor Elagabalus, or ‘Heliogabalus’ (A.D. 218-222).

Elagabalus was the son of Julia Soaemias who was the daughter of the power Syrian woman, Julia Maesa, sister to Empress Julia Domna. That made him the great-nephew, by marriage, of Emperor Septimius Severus.

In hindsight, if there could be said to be a stain on the Severan line of succession, it would be Elagabalus, for though Caracalla’s reign was riddled with violent episodes, he did make an attempt at ruling the Empire and leading the army. Elagabalus’ reign, however, is marked by controversy, sexual debauchery, and murder which, if the sources are correct, seems akin to the madness of the reign of Caligula. In addition to this, and like Caligula, he made strange appointments to high positions, and disrespected Rome’s gods in favour of his dark Syrian god, Elagabal.

Elagabalus was set upon the imperial throne at just fourteen years old through the wiles of his grandmother, Julia Maesa, on year after the previous pretender, Marcus Opellius Macrinus (the only non-Severan of the period) conspired to have Emperor Caracalla murdered. Julia Maesa, took advantage of the unrest around Emperor Macrinus to instigate a rebellion and have Elagabalus declared emperor after the Battle of Antioch on June 8, A.D. 218.

Aureus of Elagabalus (c. A.D. 204-222)

It soon became apparent that Elagabalus was not suited to the role of Emperor, opting instead for dark rituals, cross-dressing, and generally disregarding the traditions of the Senate and people of Rome.

Perhaps most dangerous of all, he had lost the respect of the army. Cassius Dio, one of our main sources for the period, speaks to this:

The false Antoninus [Elagabalus] was despised and put out of the way by the soldiers. Thus it is that persons, particularly if armed, when they have once accustomed themselves to feel contempt for their rulers, set no limit to their right to do what they please, but keep their arms ready to use against the very man who gave them that power.

(Cassius Dio, Roman History, XVII)

Elagabalus’ grandmother, Julia Maesa, saw what was coming and, no doubt with the murder of Caracalla (with whom she had been very close) in mind, she began planning ahead so as to avoid another upstart like Macrinus.

She pinned her hopes on her other grandson, Alexianus (later Alexander Severus)…

Observing his actions, Maesa suspected that the soldiers were outraged by his eccentricities. Fearing that if Heliogabalus were killed, she would become a private citizen again, she tried to persuade the youth, who was in every respect an empty-headed young idiot, to adopt as his son and appoint as caesar his first cousin and her grandson, the child of her other daughter, Mamaea.

She told the emperor what it pleased him to hear, that it was clearly necessary for him to have time to attend to the worship and service of his god and to devote himself to the rites and revelries and divine functions, but that there should be another responsible for human affairs, to afford him leisure and freedom from the cares of empire. It was not necessary for him, she said, to look for a stranger or someone not a relative; he should entrust these duties to his own cousin.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 7.1, 7.2)

Julia Maesa (A.D. 160-224)

And so, in A.D. 221, Alexander, who was twelve at the time, was adopted by his cousin Elagabalus as his heir, and given the title of ‘Caesar’.

This was a very dangerous time for the young Alexander, for in being so close to his mad, older cousin, he was in greater danger. If not for the two strong women looking after him – his grandmother, Julia Maesa, and his mother, Julia Mamaea – he would certainly have fallen victim to Elagabalus and his retinue.

Herodian, the main source for the reign of Alexander Severus, describes what happened…

After adopting Alexander as caesar, Heliogabalus [Elagabalus] undertook to teach him his own practices; he instructed him in dancing and prancing, and, enrolling him in the priesthood, wanted the lad to imitate his appearance and actions.

But his mother Mamaea kept Alexander from taking part in activities so disgraceful and unworthy of an emperor. Privately, she summoned teachers of every subject and had her son trained in the lessons of self-discipline; since he devoted himself to wrestling and to physical exercise as well, he was, by his mother’s efforts, educated according to both the Greek and the Roman systems. Heliogabalus, much annoyed at this, regretted his decision to make Alexander his son and partner in the empire.

He therefore banished Alexander’s teachers from the imperial palace; he put to death some of the most distinguished and sent others into exile. The emperor offered the most absurd excuses for doing this, claiming that these men, by teaching Alexander self-control, educating him in human affairs, and refusing to allow him to dance and take part in the frenzied orgies, would corrupt his adopted son. The madness of Heliogabalus increased to such a degree that he appointed all the actors from the stage and the public theaters to the most important posts in the empire, selecting as his praetorian prefect a man who had from childhood danced publicly in the Roman theater…

…They kept continual watch upon the youth [Alexander] when they saw that Heliogabalus was plotting against him. His mother Mamaea did not allow her son to touch any food or drink sent by the emperor, nor did Alexander use the cupbearers or cooks employed in the palace or those who happened to be in their mutual service; only those chosen by his mother, those who seemed most trustworthy, were allowed to handle Alexander’s food.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 7.4-8.2)

Alexander Severus (A.D. 208-235)

It was only by his grandmother’s ruthlessness, his mother’s love, the respect of the Praetorians, and the gold Maesa and Mamaea lavished upon them, that Alexander survived that period, despite several plots by the Emperor to have him killed.

Julia Maesa, who was well used to surviving the dangers of an imperial court, saw the great danger that Elagabalus posed to them all. She plotted with the Praetorians to have Elagabalus removed. The Praetorians, it seems, did not need a great deal motivation in this, for when many of them showed favour to the younger Alexander, Elagabalus had them arrested. This was the final straw.

In March, A.D. 222, when the Emperor, his mother Soaemias, and Alexander were at the Castra Praetoria, the deed was done:

The praetorians were enraged by this order; since they had other reasons, also, for hating Heliogabalus, they wished now to rid themselves of so disgraceful an emperor, and believed, too, that they should rescue the praetorians under arrest. Considering the occasion ideal and the provocation just, they killed Heliogabalus and his mother Soaemias (for she was in the camp as Augusta and as his mother), together with all his attendants who were seized in the camp and who seemed to be his associates and companions in evil.

They gave the bodies of Heliogabalus and Soaemias to those who wanted to drag them about and abuse them; when the bodies had been dragged throughout the city, the mutilated corpses were thrown into the public sewer which flows into the Tiber.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 8.8-8.9)

Elagabalus was just eighteen when he died so ignominious a death. Cassius Dio, who would have known all of them, describes their end in gruesome detail:

His mother [Soaemias], who embraced him and clung tightly to him, perished with him; their heads were cut off and their bodies, after being stripped naked, were first dragged all over the city, and then the mother’s body was cast aside somewhere or other, while his was thrown into the river.

(Cassius Dio, Roman History, LXXX, 20)

Thus, Julia Maesa succeeded in having her own daughter and grandson removed, and her other grandson proclaimed Emperor by the Praetorian Guard at just fourteen years old.

Julia Mamaea (A.D. 180-235)

A period of normalcy returned to the Empire with Alexander Severus being given the title and role of Emperor while his grandmother and mother managed and controlled imperial affairs in a more moderate and equitable administration that appeared to lean more toward common sense and nurturing the loyalty of the troops, a lesson they had all learned the importance of from Septimius Severus.

Together, they chose from members of the Senate an advisory council of sixteen wise men to guide the Emperor in decision making. This also gave a measure of power (at least perceived power) back to the aristocracy. The insults done to Rome’s gods were also fixed as their statues were replaced and those of Elagabalus’ choosing were removed. And, in the business of government, matters of state and public affairs were entrusted to competent lawyers and orators rather than actors, and military affairs were given over to actual men experienced in war.

It seemed like a new and hopeful age was upon the Empire and the Roman people.

But then, in A.D. 226, the matriarch of the Severan dynasty, Julia Maesa, died of old age. She received imperial honours and was deified.

And so, Julia Mamaea was now alone with the Emperor who was now about eighteen years old.

The Forum Romanum – The Heart of Ancient Rome with the Arch of Septimius Severus (centre left)

Julia Mamaea knew that she and her son were in a precarious position at this point in time and so, according to Herodian, she took steps to protect him with extreme vigilance. She also sought to control him, no doubt traumatized by the years of her nephew’s rule.

Now left alone with her son, Mamaea tried to govern and control him in the same fashion. Fearing that his vigorous young manhood might plunge him into the errors of adolescence because his power and position were assured, Mamaea kept the palace under close guard and allowed no one suspected of debauchery to approach the youth. She was afraid that his character would be corrupted if his flatterers aroused his growing appetites to disgraceful desires.

She therefore induced him to serve as judge in the courts continually and for most of each day; occupied with important matters and the necessary business of the empire, he would have no opportunity to indulge in scandalous practices. Alexander’s deportment was governed by a character naturally mild and civilized, and much inclined to benevolence, as was made clear when the youth grew older.

At any rate, he entered the fourteenth year of his reign without bloodshed, and no one could say that the emperor had been responsible for anyone’s murder. Even though men were convicted of serious crimes, he nevertheless granted them pardons to avoid putting them to death, and not readily did any emperor of our time, after the reign of Marcus, act in this way or display so much concern for human life. Indeed, over a period of many years, no one could recall that any man had been condemned to death by Alexander without a trial.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 1.5-1.7)

The Praetorian Guard

According to historian Michael Grant, Julia Mamaea’s tenure as Mater Augusti et Castrorum, ‘Mother of the Augustus and Mother of the Camp’, was the “climactic point of feminine power” in Ancient Rome. In addition to being highly protective of the Emperor, she was also a prudent and intelligent ruler, maintaining good relations with the advisory council, the Senate, and with the Christian community. She did, apparently, argue with Alexander Severus’ empress, Sallustia Barbia Orbiata, whom he married in A.D. 225, and whose father, Seius Herennius, was later executed for plotting against the Emperor. In the wake of that event, the young empress was exiled and Alexander Severus was left with his mother to rule alone, with help from advisors like Cassius Dio.

Though Alexander’s reign appeared to be a sort of Golden Age of peace and prosperity for a time, there were issues that arose. Official supervision of trade and industry grew steadily, and the coinage was debased. State subsidies of education and tax rebates for guilds and property owners contributed to a financial crisis.

It also seems that Julia Mamaea had developed a paranoia when it came to protecting her son and, as a result of this, she amassed a fortune in gold and riches, some of which was taken by legal means (or otherwise) from wealthy landowners and aristocrats. She appears to have been obsessed with gold, which she hoarded, but also used to keep the Praetorians paid.

Alexander blamed his mother for her excessive love of money and was annoyed by her relentless pursuit of gold. For a time she pretended to be gathering funds to enable Alexander to gratify the praetorians readily and generously, but in truth she was hoarding it for herself. And her miserliness in some measure reflected discredit upon his reign, even though he personally opposed it and was angry when she confiscated anyone’s property and inheritance illegally.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 1.8)

Throughout the history of Imperial Rome, the Praetorian Guard was often a danger to those in power, even though they were intended to protect the emperors.

When Septimius Severus became sole emperor after the civil war, one of his first acts was to punish the Praetorians for auctioning off the throne after the death of Commodus. He then replaced the Praetorians with loyal men from his own legions. Notwithstanding that Severus had wrongly trusted his kinsman, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, as sole Praetorian Prefect, he had known that the Guard needed to be controlled.

However, by the time of Alexander Severus’ reign, the Praetorians had regained much of their lost power. After they had slain Elagabalus and acclaimed Alexander Severus as Emperor, in A.D. 223 they slew Domitius Ulpianus, the Praetorian Prefect.

Ulpianus, a lawyer and protege of Papinianus, the former Praetorian Prefect under Severus and Caracalla, was appointed to the prefecture by Alexander Severus. However, the Praetorians did not respect him. He was a lawyer, not a soldier, and so they slew him.

19th-century statue of Ulpian in the neoclassical Palais de Justice in Brussels, Belgium (Wikimedia Commons)

Around this time, according to Cassius Dio, the Praetorians also clashed with the Roman people for three days of fighting with many losing their lives. When the Praetorians began to lose, they began setting parts of the city on fire. A truce was reached, for fear of the city burning down.

Cassius Dio, who was made consul for the second time by Alexander Severus in A.D. 229, was also at odds with the Praetorians who had threatened his life such that the Emperor, who valued Dio’s council and friendship, insisted that Dio live away from Rome for his own safety, in Campania. It is at around this time, when The Hearts of Heroes takes place, that Cassius Dio ends his history and removes himself from public service, not only due to his ailing health, but also because of the threat posed by the Praetorians.

17th Century Illustration of Cassius Dio

It was now that Alexander Severus was to face his greatest threat: War.

In the year A.D. 231, Alexander Severus received dispatches from the Roman governors of Syria and Mesopotamia that a new Persian king by the name of Artaxerxes (Ardashir I) had killed the client Parthian king, Artabanus, and was now crossing the borders of the Roman Empire.

Alexander Severus wrote to Artaxerxes to warn him to stay within his own borders or else face defeat as he had at the hands of Septimius Severus and others.

Gold dinar of Artaxerxes (Ardashir I, c. A.D. 230)

But Artaxerxes ignored Alexander’s efforts; believing that the matter would be settled by arms, not by words, he took the field, pillaging and looting all the Roman provinces. He overran and plundered Mesopotamia, trampling it under the hoofs of his horses. He laid siege to the Roman garrison camps on the banks of the rivers, the camps which defended the empire. Rash by nature and elated by successes beyond his expectations, Artaxerxes was convinced that he could surmount every obstacle in his path.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 2.5)

Alexander had no choice but to go east to meet the enemy. With his massive army divided into three as they marched against the Persians, attacking them in different regions so that Artaxerxes had to hurry his men from one sector to another to meet them.

It might have been a good strategy had the Roman forces been in a better state of preparedness for the terrain and better disciplined. However, they were all but defeated.

All three Roman armies had been ordered to invade the enemy’s territory, and a final rendezvous had been selected to which they were to bring their booty and prisoners. But Alexander failed them: he did not bring his army or come himself into barbarian territory, either because he was afraid to risk his life for the Roman empire or because his mother’s feminine fears or excessive mother love restrained him.

She blocked his efforts at courage by persuading him that he should let others risk their lives for him, but that he should not personally fight in battle. It was this reluctance of his which led to the destruction of the advancing Roman army. The king attacked it unexpectedly with his entire force and trapped the Romans like fish in a net; firing their arrows from all sides at the encircled soldiers, the Persians massacred the whole army. The outnumbered Romans were unable to stem the attack of the Persian horde; they used their shields to protect those parts of their bodies exposed to the Persian arrows.

Content merely to protect themselves, they offered no resistance. As a result, all the Romans were driven into one spot, where they made a wall of their shields and fought like an army under siege. Hit and wounded from every side, they held out bravely as long as they could, but in the end all were killed. The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old. The successful outcome of these important events encouraged the Persian king to anticipate better things in the future.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 5.8-5.10)

Map of Roman Empire during Roman-Persian War under Alexander Severus A.D. 230-233 (Omni Atlas)

Though it was not a total defeat of the Romans, the events could be considered a complete failure on the part of Alexander Severus, for in shunning the battlefield – either by his own cowardice, or because of his mother’s over-protectiveness – the Emperor had lost the respect of the army.

As it turned out, he fell far short of his great uncle, Septimius Severus, who had begun the dynasty and who had conquered the east and the Parthians so decisively.

Alexander, Julia Mamaea, and his retinue returned to Antioch to recuperate. They tried to console the troops with lavish distributions of money to try and regain their good will, but it was to no avail. Even though Artaxerxes was withdrawing for the moment, the damage was done.

Then, in A.D. 233, messages arrived from the governors in Illyria that the German tribes had crossed the Rhine and Danube frontiers and were plundering Roman territories. The governors insisted that the Emperor bring his armies to meet the threat immediately.

Although he loathed the idea, Alexander glumly announced his departure for Illyria. Necessity compelled him to go, however; and so, leaving behind a force which he considered strong enough to defend the Roman frontiers, after he had seen to the forts and the walls of the camps with greater care and had assigned to each fort its normal complement of troops, the emperor marched out against the Germans with the rest of his army.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 7.5)

However, when he finally arrived, rather than meet the Germans in battle, Emperor Alexander Severus sent an embassy to the Germans with a peace settlement. Herodian tells us that “the avaricious Germans are susceptible to bribes and always ready to sell peace to the Romans for gold.”

Consequently, Alexander undertook to buy a truce rather than risk the hazards of war.

The soldiers, however, were not pleased by his action, for the time was passing without profit to them, and Alexander was doing nothing courageous or energetic about the war; on the contrary, when it was essential that he march out and punish the Germans for their insults, he spent the time in chariot racing and luxurious living.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 7.9-7.10)

Roman Aurea

Was Alexander Severus truly terrified of battle? Was his mother, Julia Mamaea, so fearful of losing him that she prevented him from fighting? Whatever the reason, the troops were no longer loyal to their emperor who had fallen short of all expectation.

In the end, while on the German frontier at Mogontiacum (Mainz), the men of the legions decided to back one of their own, a decorated legionary by the name of Maximinus. They robed him in imperial purple and declared him ‘Emperor’. Alexander Severus’ troops abandoned him. Herodian describes his end:

Trembling with fear, Alexander was scarcely able to retire to his quarters. Clinging to his mother and, as they say, complaining and lamenting that she was to blame for his death, he awaited his executioner. After being saluted as emperor by the entire army, Maximinus sent a tribune and several centurions to kill Alexander and his mother, together with any of his followers who opposed them.

When these men came to the emperor’s quarters, they rushed in and killed him with his mother; they also cut down those whom he had honored or who appeared to be his friends. Some, however, managed to flee or to hide for the moment, but Maximinus soon rounded up these fugitives and put them to death.

Such was the fate suffered by Alexander and his mother after he had ruled fourteen years without blame or bloodshed so far as it affected his subjects. A stranger to savagery, murder, and illegality, he was noted for his benevolence and good deeds. It is therefore entirely possible that the reign of Alexander might have won renown for its perfection had not his mother’s petty avarice brought disgrace upon him.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 9.6-9.8)

Maximinus Thrax – The Legionary Emperor (reigned A.D. 235-238)

In A.D. 235 Alexander Severus and his mother, Julia Mamaea, were slain by the men of the legions whose loyalty had been lost. The Severan dynasty was at an end. What had, at first, been the start of a period of hope, a new ‘golden age’, had turned into a titanic disappointment with a tragic, but not unexpected, finale.

Maximinus Thrax (A.D. 235-238), a Thracian, became the first legionary to be Emperor but he was a soldier, and not up to the politics of the role. He was tyrannical and prone to cruelty. He ignored Rome from the outset and the Senate turned on him, electing Gordian I to replace him. When he marched on Italy and was besieging Aquilea, Maximinus’ troops turned on him and murdered him and his son. Like Macrinus, he was just another upstart left for dead in the dust of the Empire.

Aerial view of the ruins of Leptis Magna – North African home of Septimius Severus who founded the dynasty

And so we come to the end of our time with the Severans, in fiction, and in history. It has been a fascinating journey getting to know this family at the peak of Rome’s might.

The Severan period is marked by several things, including a strong military with the successful completion of major campaigns that extended the Empire’s territory to its greatest extent, especially the Parthian campaign of Septimius Severus. The period saw curbed Praetorian power (at least at the outset) and, conversely, one of the most brutal Praetorian Prefects in Gaius Fulvius Plautianus. It was a period that saw some of the strongest, most powerful and intelligent women in the history of Ancient Rome in Empress Julia Domna, Julia Maesa, and Julia Mamaea.

The dynasty might have lasted longer, and Septimius Severus’ hard work not been lost, had it not been for the weakness of his heirs: his son’s Caracalla and Geta, and his great-nephews Elagabalus and Alexander Severus.

Silver Denarius of Alexander Severus (A.D. 222-235)

Was Alexander Severus’ end brought about by his cowardice, his mother’s avarice for wealth, or her deep fears for her son’s safety which manifested in an overprotectiveness that did more harm than good? Or is power at such lofty heights so precarious that one slip can send one over the cliff?

It seems like there is merit in all of the reasons given above. Just as with the fall of the Roman Empire, there is not one cause alone for its end, but rather a series of events and failures that led to its demise.

Perhaps the Severan dynasty is Rome’s end in microcosm. As Edward Gibbon wrote:

The contemporaries of Severus, in the enjoyment of the peace and glory of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been introduced. Posterity, who experienced the fatal effects of his maxims and example, justly considered him as the principal author of the decline of the Roman Empire.

(Edward Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, X, vol.1)

In the end, it seems that, despite the foundations of a dynasty laid by Septimius Severus, none of his heirs were up the task of treading the tightrope between strong and judicious rule and tyranny.

This period in Rome’s history was certainly not perfect, but it has much to teach us, including the lesson that, just as with empires, families too rise and fall…

Thank you for reading.

That concludes our blog series on The World of The Hearts of Heroes. We sincerely hope that you enjoyed it and found it informative. If you have missed any of the articles in this seven-part series, you can read them all on one page by CLICKING HERE.

If you are interested in reading the two main sources for this period, you can read Cassius Dio’s text in translation by CLICKING HERE, and Herodian’s text HERE.

If you would like to read more about the Severan dynasty and their period in Rome’s history, we urge you to explore the articles in the ‘Article Archive’ on the Eagles and Dragons Publishing website. We also highly recommend the book The Severans: The Changed Roman Empire by eminent historian, Michael Grant as a very accessible read that explores this period of immense change in the history of Rome.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

CLICK HERE to buy a copy and get ISBN#s for the edition of your choice.

If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles which is set during the Parthian campaigns of Emperor Septimius Severus.

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The World of The Blood Road – Part IX – Imperial Hubris: The Rise and Fall of Caracalla and Macrinus

Greetings Readers and History-Lovers!

Welcome you our ninth and final post in The World of The Blood Road! 

If you did not see Part VIII on Roman Antioch, you can read that by CLICKING HERE.

In Part IX we’re going to be taking a look at two of the main historical personages in The Blood Road, Emperor Caracalla and Macrinus, and the unfortunate incidents around their rise and fall.

I hope you enjoy…

Emperor Caracalla

Each Eagles and Dragons novel has revolved around a particular historical event and or people. In the case of The Blood Road, Caracalla’s short, troubled reign provides the historical backdrop for this story, along with the swift rise and fall of Marcus Opellius Macrinus, newly-made Prefect of the Praetorian Guard.

As we know, Caracalla’s solo reign started in bloody and horrific fashion with the murder of his brother Geta in their mother’s arms. If you can’t recall that event, check out Part I in this blog series.

So what was Caracalla’s reign like once he was sole emperor and his brother’s memory and followers were erased from the face of the Earth?

Veering from murder to sport, he showed the same thirst for blood in this field, too. It was nothing, of course, that an elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, and hippotigris were slain in the arena, but he took pleasure in seeing the blood of as many gladiators as possible…

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, Book LXXVIII)

After the murder of Geta and twenty-thousand of his followers, according to the sources, life in Rome apparently became too unbearable for Caracalla who then, according to Herodian, made for the Danube frontier on the northern edge of the Empire.

In Germania, he waged a war against a confederation of the Alamanni, and it seems he felt at home among the troops.

War was what would pre-occupy Caracalla during his reign with much of the duties of correspondence being assigned to his mother, Julia Domna, and Ulpianus.

As we know, the one great legislative deed that Caracalla undertook was the creation of the Constitutio Antoniniana in late A.D. 212 which we discussed in Part III of this blog series. The rest of the time, however, violence seemed to be the order of the day.

The Roman Empire in A.D. 210, which Caracalla inherited after the death of Severus. Depicted is Roman territory (purple) and Roman dependencies (light purple). (Wikimedia Commons)

From A.D. 213-214, Caracalla campaigned in Germania, content to play the soldier among the men of the legions whom he had greatly enriched. After that campaign, however, he seems to have taken a strange turn and taken on the mantle of Alexander the Great himself. He even made his own pilgrimage to Troy, just as Alexander had.

Caracalla, after attending to matters in the garrison camps along the Danube River, went down into Thrace at the Macedonian border, and immediately he became Alexander the Great. To revive the memory of the Macedonian in every possible way, he ordered statues and paintings of his hero to be put on public display in all cities. He filled the Capitol, the rest of the temples, indeed, all Rome, with statues and paintings designed to suggest that he was a second Alexander.

At times we saw ridiculous portraits, statues with one body which had on each side of a single head the faces of Alexander and the emperor. Caracalla himself went about in Macedonian dress, affecting especially the broad sun hat and short boots. He enrolled picked youths in a unit which he labeled his Macedonian phalanx; its officers bore the names of Alexander’s generals…

…He visited all the ruins of that city [Troy], coming last to the tomb of Achilles; he adorned this tomb lavishly with garlands of flowers, and immediately he became Achilles. Casting about for a Patroclus, he found one ready to hand in Festus, his favourite freedman, keeper of the emperor’s daily record book. This Festus died at Troy; some say he was poisoned so that he could be buried as Patroclus, but others say he died of disease.

(Herodian, History of the Roman Empire, 4.8)

Gold medallion depicting Caracalla as Alexander the Great

Caracalla was obsessed with Alexander the Great, and he would later even make plans to introduce the phalanx into the legions. The troops loved him, but how long would that last?

And things worsened in A.D. 215 when Caracalla and his men moved on to Alexandria, the city founded by his hero, where he told the people that he wished to honour Alexander. He was well-received by the Alexandrians, who were not known for holding back their displeasure.

But Caracalla, it seems, had other plans than offering hecatombs of oxen and mountains of frankincense to Alexander. You see, apparently, Caracalla had been widely mocked in Alexandria for the murder of his brother, Geta. Caracalla remembered this, and after he had lulled the Alexandrians into a sense of ease and celebration, he apparently requested that all military aged men be assembled to form phalanxes in honour of Alexander the Great. This is what happened next:

He ordered the youths to form in rows so that he might approach each one and determine whether his age, size of body, and state of health qualified him for military service. Believing him to be sincere, all the youths, quite reasonably hopeful because of the honour he had previously paid the city, assembled with their parents and brothers, who had come to celebrate the youths’ expectations.

Caracalla now approached them as they were drawn up in groups and passed among them, touching each youth and saying a word of praise to this one and that one until his entire army had surrounded them. The youths did not notice or suspect anything. After he had visited them all, he judged that they were now trapped in the net of steel formed by his soldiers’ weapons, and left the field, accompanied by his personal bodyguard. At a given signal the soldiers fell upon the encircled youths, attacking them and any others present. They cut them down, these armed soldiers fighting against unarmed, surrounded boys, butchering them in every conceivable fashion. 

Some did the killing while others outside the ring dug huge trenches; they dragged those who had fallen to these trenches and threw them in, filling the ditch with bodies. Piling on earth, they quickly raised a huge burial mound. Many were thrown in half-alive, and others were forced in unwounded.

A number of soldiers perished there too; for all who were thrust into the trench alive, if they had the strength, clung to their killers and pulled them in with them. So great was the slaughter that the wide mouths of the Nile and the entire shore around the city were stained red by the streams of blood flowing through the plain. After these monstrous deeds, Caracalla left Alexandria and returned to Antioch.

(Herodian, History of the Roman Empire, 4.8)

Caracalla as Pharaoh, Temple of Kom Ombo (Wikimedia Commons)

Oftentimes, the sources greatly exaggerate the behaviours of emperors that are perceived to be mad or exceedingly cruel. Is this the case with Caracalla? While it is obvious that neither Cassius Dio or Herodian were fans of the emperor, they do agree on much of what supposedly happened. Considering the murder of his brother, and the undoubted pressure Caracalla felt in perhaps living up to the greatness of his father before him, this was a man who was spiralling out of control and lashing out at the world about him. No matter how many enemies one executed, there were always more waiting in the wings of history.

And Caracalla made more enemies, and sought more war after the massacre at Alexandria when he turned his sights on Parthia.

Once more, hurt feelings and humiliation would sound the drums of war as he sought to go head-to-head with the empire his father had defeated twenty years before. And it all started with a rejected marriage proposal…

After this Antoninus [Caracalla] made a campaign against the Parthians, on the pretext that Artabanus had refused to give him his daughter in marriage when he sued for her hand; for the Parthian king had realized clearly enough that the emperor, while pretending to want to marry her, was in reality eager to get the Parthian kingdom incidentally for himself. So Antoninus now ravaged a large section of the country around Media by making a sudden incursion, sacked many fortresses, won over Arbela, dug open the royal tombs of the Parthians, and scattered the bones about. This was the easier for him to accomplish inasmuch as the Parthians did not even join battle with him; and accordingly I have found nothing of especial interest to record concerning the incidents of that campaign

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, Book LXXIX)

To this point in time, Caracalla’s decisions were anything from rash to ridiculous, and people, including the men of the legions, began to notice. He even began to neglect his Praetorians and legionaries when he appointed a group of freed Scythians and Germans as his new personal guard which he named ‘The Lions’.

He had pushed aside his best advisors, namely Julia Domna and Ulpianus, long ago. So who was with Caracalla throughout all of this?

Marcus Opellius Macrinus, that’s who. But who was this man whom Caracalla made Praetorian Prefect and who would play a crucial role in Caracalla’s downfall?

The Praetorian Guard

Marcus Opellius Macrinus was born in A.D. 164 in Caesarea, Mauretania Caesariensis. He was from a poor equestrian family, and these humble beginnings fired his ambitions.

Before reaching the heights of power that he achieved, Macrinus was a successful gladiator, a venator (hunter), and a postal courier. He then went to Rome where he became a legal advisor to the infamous Praetorian Prefect under Severus, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus. After the fall of Plautianus, in A.D. 205, under Severus, Macrinus became director of the via Flaminia in Italy, as well as an administrator of Severus’ properties.

He seems to have bided his time until, in A.D. 212, Caracalla made Macrinus Praetorian Prefect. Then, early in A.D. 217, he received ornamenta consularia, ‘consular status’, from the emperor.

Marcus Opellius Macrinus

As we know, history tends to repeat itself, and there was one thing Caracalla did indeed share with his more successful father: they both trusted the wrong men.

During his reign, Severus had trusted Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, his own kinsman, in the role of Praetorian Prefect. Plautianus had worked against Severus and plotted to overthrow him. We explore this in the book Killing the Hydra.

It seems that Macrinus had learned a thing or two in his time with Plautianus, and as a result, yet again, a Praetorian prefect began to plot against the emperor he served.

With the troops becoming increasingly disillusioned with Caracalla’s behaviour, including his favour shown toward the barbarian ‘Lions’, the time was ripe for a mutiny, and Macrinus seems to have known this.

Caracalla often ridiculed Macrinus publicly, calling him a brave, self-styled warrior, and carrying his sarcasm to the point of shameful abuse. 

When the emperor learned that Macrinus was overfond of food and scorned the coarse, rough fare which Caracalla and the soldiers enjoyed, he accused the general of cowardice and effeminacy, and continually threatened to murder him. Unable to endure these insults any longer, the angry Macrinus grew dangerous.

This is the way the affair turned out; it was, at long last, time for Caracalla’s life to come to an end. The emperor, always excessively curious, wished not only to know everything about the affairs of men but also to meddle in divine matters. Since he suspected everyone of plotting against him, he consulted all the oracles and summoned prophets, astrologers, and entrail-examiners from all over the world; no one who practiced the magic art of prophecy escaped him.

(Herodian, History of the Roman Empire, 4.12)

One of Caracalla’s men in Rome tried to warn the emperor of what the astrologers and others had deciphered about Macrinus, as did Julia Domna, but the letters did not reach Caracalla in time.

In the Spring of A.D. 217, it seems the Fates had their blade against the thread of Caracalla’s life. Macrinus had a plan.

Map of region where Caracalla was on campaign in the final weeks of his reign.

On his way from Edessa to engage the Parthians again, Caracalla decided that he wished to stop at Carrhae, where so many Romans had met their end, to make offerings at the temple of Luna. He would not leave Carrhae…

Macrinus…hastened his preparations, having a presentiment that otherwise he should perish, especially as Antoninus had suddenly, on the day before his birthday, removed those of Macrinus’ companions that were with him, alleging various reasons in different cases, but with the general pretext of showing them honour… Accordingly, he [Macrinus] secured the services of two tribunes assigned to the pretorian guard, Nemesianus and Apollinaris, brothers belonging to the Aurelian gens, and of Julius Martialis, who was enrolled among the evocati and had a private grudge against Antoninus [Caracalla] for not having given him the post of centurion when he asked for it, and so formed his plot against Antoninus. It was carried out thus.

On the eighth of April, when the emperor had set out from Edessa for Carrhae and had dismounted from his horse to ease himself, Martialis approached as though desiring to say something to him and struck him with a small dagger. Martialis immediately fled and would have escaped detection, had he thrown away his sword; but, as it was, the weapon led to his being recognized by one of the Scythians in attendance upon Antoninus, and he was struck down with a javelin. As for Antoninus, the tribunes, pretending to come to his rescue, slew him…

…Such was the end to which Antoninus came, after living twenty-nine years and four days (for he had been born on the fourth of April), and after ruling six years, two months, and two days. At this point also in my narrative many things come to mind to arouse my astonishment. For instance, when he was about to set out from Antioch on his last journey, his father appeared to him in a dream, wearing a sword and saying, “As you killed your brother, so will I slay you”…

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, Book LXXIX)

It was an ignominious end for the son of Severus.

It is this event involving Macrinus, the Praetorian tribunes, Nemesianus and Apollinaris, one Julius Martialis and another with a grievance against Caracalla, that makes up the climax of The Blood Road.

The troops declared Macrinus emperor, and in the aftermath, it is thought that Julia Domna, who was in Antioch at the time, committed suicide rather than be taken by Macrinus. And who can blame this wonderful, intelligent empress? After the key role she had played in the Empire for so long, the death of her husband, and the brutal murder of her youngest son, she must have lost the will to live any longer. The humiliating death of Caracalla was likely, for her, as the dying of the Sun she worshipped.

Once Macrinus was emperor, he struck a deal with the Parthians and made his son, Diadumenian, ‘Prince of the Youth’. He also gave him the rank of ‘Caesar’.

As emperor, Macrinus ruled for just a short year, from April A.D. 217 to June 218. He waged unsuccessful wars and undertook some fiscal reforms that the military, the very men who put him on the throne, did not appreciate.

Gold ‘aureus’ of Julia Maesa

It seems that he also did not account fully for the ambition of Julia Domna’s sister, Julia Maesa, who had bided her time for years, ever a fixture of the imperial court, supportive of her sister and slain nephew.

Julia Maesa, took advantage of the unrest around Emperor Macrinus to instigate a rebellion and have her fourteen-year-old grandson, Elagabalus, declared emperor after the Battle of Antioch on June 8, A.D. 218.

Macrinus was captured and slain in Cappadocia, as he fled for Rome, and his son, whom he had sent to the Parthians for protection, was captured and executed.

The Senate of Rome then declared him and his son enemies of Rome and had their names struck from the records.

So ended the reign of the first, non-senatorial emperor in Rome’s history.

Image of a Roman eagle standard, or ‘aquila’ (Wikimedia Commons)

I hope that you’ve enjoyed this blog series about The World of the Blood Road as much as I’ve enjoyed researching and writing it. There is a lot more history in the book itself, but this will give you a taste of the world in which this adventure takes place.

If you have missed any posts in this blog series, you can read all of them in one place by CLICKING HERE.

While it is true that there are very few primary sources for this period, the ones that we do have – Cassius Dio and Herodian – have shown us once again that sometimes the truth is even more shocking than one could have imagined.

This is a fascinating period in Roman history, and one which I have been very happy to share with you.

Thank you for reading.

The Blood Road is available on-line now in e-book and paperback at major retailers. CLICK HERE to get your copy. You can also purchase directly from Eagles and Dragons Publishing HERE.

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