Cassius Dio

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The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part VII – Alexander Severus: The End of the Severan Dynasty

Greetings Readers and Romanophiles!

Welcome back to The World of The Hearts of Heroes, the blog series in which we are exploring the history, people, and places behind-the-scenes of the newest Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy novel. 

If you missed the previous post on the very first church at Glastonbury, you can read that by CLICKING HERE.

In this seventh and final article, we’re going to look at the reign of Emperor Alexander Severus (A.D. 222-235) and how it brought about the end of the Severan dynasty.

Let’s begin…

The Severan Dynasty (Wikimedia Commons)

Sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.

‘There are tears for things, and mortal sorrows touch the heart.’

(Virgil, The Aeneid, 1.462)

It has been quite an adventure getting to this point in the Eagles and Dragons series for, like the hero Aeneas looking back on his memories of war and toil above, my time spent with the Severans, researching and writing about them, has come to an end.

The Severan dynasty is, strangely enough, often overlooked by historians, authors, and scriptwriters who tend to focus on the sensational Julio-Claudians or the stoic Antonines. This is somewhat surprising as the years from A.D. 193 to A.D. 235 not only saw the Roman Empire at its greatest extent and power, but the period also, as is believed by some historians, brought about the beginning of the end of the Roman Empire.

However, it was the lack of attention to the Severans that provided the opportunity with this series of books to cut a new path to explore the history of this dynasty through fiction. From the powerful rise of Septimius Severus and the ‘Syrian women’, their actions, and the mistakes of their heirs, we have received a masterclass in the nature of power and politics, the importance of military might, and the fragility of the Pax Romana. We have learned about the two-faced nature of trust and the fickle ways of fortune.

The dynasty that Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) established through sheer will, blood, and determination eventually came to a lamentable end due to flawed nature of familial love, the shortcomings of his successors, and the jealousies and aspirations of others.

The Hearts of Heroes takes place in the final years of the Severans, during the reign of its last emperor, Alexander Severus. As we shall see, at the outset of his reign, he provided a much-needed glimmer of hope during a dark period in Rome’s history, but it was not enough to prevent the eventual downfall of that once-powerful family…

Map of the Roman Empire at its greatest extent (Oxford Research Encyclopedias)

Before we get into the reign of Alexander Severus, it is important to look at the brief reign of his slightly older cousin, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, known to us as Emperor Elagabalus, or ‘Heliogabalus’ (A.D. 218-222).

Elagabalus was the son of Julia Soaemias who was the daughter of the power Syrian woman, Julia Maesa, sister to Empress Julia Domna. That made him the great-nephew, by marriage, of Emperor Septimius Severus.

In hindsight, if there could be said to be a stain on the Severan line of succession, it would be Elagabalus, for though Caracalla’s reign was riddled with violent episodes, he did make an attempt at ruling the Empire and leading the army. Elagabalus’ reign, however, is marked by controversy, sexual debauchery, and murder which, if the sources are correct, seems akin to the madness of the reign of Caligula. In addition to this, and like Caligula, he made strange appointments to high positions, and disrespected Rome’s gods in favour of his dark Syrian god, Elagabal.

Elagabalus was set upon the imperial throne at just fourteen years old through the wiles of his grandmother, Julia Maesa, on year after the previous pretender, Marcus Opellius Macrinus (the only non-Severan of the period) conspired to have Emperor Caracalla murdered. Julia Maesa, took advantage of the unrest around Emperor Macrinus to instigate a rebellion and have Elagabalus declared emperor after the Battle of Antioch on June 8, A.D. 218.

Aureus of Elagabalus (c. A.D. 204-222)

It soon became apparent that Elagabalus was not suited to the role of Emperor, opting instead for dark rituals, cross-dressing, and generally disregarding the traditions of the Senate and people of Rome.

Perhaps most dangerous of all, he had lost the respect of the army. Cassius Dio, one of our main sources for the period, speaks to this:

The false Antoninus [Elagabalus] was despised and put out of the way by the soldiers. Thus it is that persons, particularly if armed, when they have once accustomed themselves to feel contempt for their rulers, set no limit to their right to do what they please, but keep their arms ready to use against the very man who gave them that power.

(Cassius Dio, Roman History, XVII)

Elagabalus’ grandmother, Julia Maesa, saw what was coming and, no doubt with the murder of Caracalla (with whom she had been very close) in mind, she began planning ahead so as to avoid another upstart like Macrinus.

She pinned her hopes on her other grandson, Alexianus (later Alexander Severus)…

Observing his actions, Maesa suspected that the soldiers were outraged by his eccentricities. Fearing that if Heliogabalus were killed, she would become a private citizen again, she tried to persuade the youth, who was in every respect an empty-headed young idiot, to adopt as his son and appoint as caesar his first cousin and her grandson, the child of her other daughter, Mamaea.

She told the emperor what it pleased him to hear, that it was clearly necessary for him to have time to attend to the worship and service of his god and to devote himself to the rites and revelries and divine functions, but that there should be another responsible for human affairs, to afford him leisure and freedom from the cares of empire. It was not necessary for him, she said, to look for a stranger or someone not a relative; he should entrust these duties to his own cousin.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 7.1, 7.2)

Julia Maesa (A.D. 160-224)

And so, in A.D. 221, Alexander, who was twelve at the time, was adopted by his cousin Elagabalus as his heir, and given the title of ‘Caesar’.

This was a very dangerous time for the young Alexander, for in being so close to his mad, older cousin, he was in greater danger. If not for the two strong women looking after him – his grandmother, Julia Maesa, and his mother, Julia Mamaea – he would certainly have fallen victim to Elagabalus and his retinue.

Herodian, the main source for the reign of Alexander Severus, describes what happened…

After adopting Alexander as caesar, Heliogabalus [Elagabalus] undertook to teach him his own practices; he instructed him in dancing and prancing, and, enrolling him in the priesthood, wanted the lad to imitate his appearance and actions.

But his mother Mamaea kept Alexander from taking part in activities so disgraceful and unworthy of an emperor. Privately, she summoned teachers of every subject and had her son trained in the lessons of self-discipline; since he devoted himself to wrestling and to physical exercise as well, he was, by his mother’s efforts, educated according to both the Greek and the Roman systems. Heliogabalus, much annoyed at this, regretted his decision to make Alexander his son and partner in the empire.

He therefore banished Alexander’s teachers from the imperial palace; he put to death some of the most distinguished and sent others into exile. The emperor offered the most absurd excuses for doing this, claiming that these men, by teaching Alexander self-control, educating him in human affairs, and refusing to allow him to dance and take part in the frenzied orgies, would corrupt his adopted son. The madness of Heliogabalus increased to such a degree that he appointed all the actors from the stage and the public theaters to the most important posts in the empire, selecting as his praetorian prefect a man who had from childhood danced publicly in the Roman theater…

…They kept continual watch upon the youth [Alexander] when they saw that Heliogabalus was plotting against him. His mother Mamaea did not allow her son to touch any food or drink sent by the emperor, nor did Alexander use the cupbearers or cooks employed in the palace or those who happened to be in their mutual service; only those chosen by his mother, those who seemed most trustworthy, were allowed to handle Alexander’s food.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 7.4-8.2)

Alexander Severus (A.D. 208-235)

It was only by his grandmother’s ruthlessness, his mother’s love, the respect of the Praetorians, and the gold Maesa and Mamaea lavished upon them, that Alexander survived that period, despite several plots by the Emperor to have him killed.

Julia Maesa, who was well used to surviving the dangers of an imperial court, saw the great danger that Elagabalus posed to them all. She plotted with the Praetorians to have Elagabalus removed. The Praetorians, it seems, did not need a great deal motivation in this, for when many of them showed favour to the younger Alexander, Elagabalus had them arrested. This was the final straw.

In March, A.D. 222, when the Emperor, his mother Soaemias, and Alexander were at the Castra Praetoria, the deed was done:

The praetorians were enraged by this order; since they had other reasons, also, for hating Heliogabalus, they wished now to rid themselves of so disgraceful an emperor, and believed, too, that they should rescue the praetorians under arrest. Considering the occasion ideal and the provocation just, they killed Heliogabalus and his mother Soaemias (for she was in the camp as Augusta and as his mother), together with all his attendants who were seized in the camp and who seemed to be his associates and companions in evil.

They gave the bodies of Heliogabalus and Soaemias to those who wanted to drag them about and abuse them; when the bodies had been dragged throughout the city, the mutilated corpses were thrown into the public sewer which flows into the Tiber.

(Herodian, The Roman History, V 8.8-8.9)

Elagabalus was just eighteen when he died so ignominious a death. Cassius Dio, who would have known all of them, describes their end in gruesome detail:

His mother [Soaemias], who embraced him and clung tightly to him, perished with him; their heads were cut off and their bodies, after being stripped naked, were first dragged all over the city, and then the mother’s body was cast aside somewhere or other, while his was thrown into the river.

(Cassius Dio, Roman History, LXXX, 20)

Thus, Julia Maesa succeeded in having her own daughter and grandson removed, and her other grandson proclaimed Emperor by the Praetorian Guard at just fourteen years old.

Julia Mamaea (A.D. 180-235)

A period of normalcy returned to the Empire with Alexander Severus being given the title and role of Emperor while his grandmother and mother managed and controlled imperial affairs in a more moderate and equitable administration that appeared to lean more toward common sense and nurturing the loyalty of the troops, a lesson they had all learned the importance of from Septimius Severus.

Together, they chose from members of the Senate an advisory council of sixteen wise men to guide the Emperor in decision making. This also gave a measure of power (at least perceived power) back to the aristocracy. The insults done to Rome’s gods were also fixed as their statues were replaced and those of Elagabalus’ choosing were removed. And, in the business of government, matters of state and public affairs were entrusted to competent lawyers and orators rather than actors, and military affairs were given over to actual men experienced in war.

It seemed like a new and hopeful age was upon the Empire and the Roman people.

But then, in A.D. 226, the matriarch of the Severan dynasty, Julia Maesa, died of old age. She received imperial honours and was deified.

And so, Julia Mamaea was now alone with the Emperor who was now about eighteen years old.

The Forum Romanum – The Heart of Ancient Rome with the Arch of Septimius Severus (centre left)

Julia Mamaea knew that she and her son were in a precarious position at this point in time and so, according to Herodian, she took steps to protect him with extreme vigilance. She also sought to control him, no doubt traumatized by the years of her nephew’s rule.

Now left alone with her son, Mamaea tried to govern and control him in the same fashion. Fearing that his vigorous young manhood might plunge him into the errors of adolescence because his power and position were assured, Mamaea kept the palace under close guard and allowed no one suspected of debauchery to approach the youth. She was afraid that his character would be corrupted if his flatterers aroused his growing appetites to disgraceful desires.

She therefore induced him to serve as judge in the courts continually and for most of each day; occupied with important matters and the necessary business of the empire, he would have no opportunity to indulge in scandalous practices. Alexander’s deportment was governed by a character naturally mild and civilized, and much inclined to benevolence, as was made clear when the youth grew older.

At any rate, he entered the fourteenth year of his reign without bloodshed, and no one could say that the emperor had been responsible for anyone’s murder. Even though men were convicted of serious crimes, he nevertheless granted them pardons to avoid putting them to death, and not readily did any emperor of our time, after the reign of Marcus, act in this way or display so much concern for human life. Indeed, over a period of many years, no one could recall that any man had been condemned to death by Alexander without a trial.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 1.5-1.7)

The Praetorian Guard

According to historian Michael Grant, Julia Mamaea’s tenure as Mater Augusti et Castrorum, ‘Mother of the Augustus and Mother of the Camp’, was the “climactic point of feminine power” in Ancient Rome. In addition to being highly protective of the Emperor, she was also a prudent and intelligent ruler, maintaining good relations with the advisory council, the Senate, and with the Christian community. She did, apparently, argue with Alexander Severus’ empress, Sallustia Barbia Orbiata, whom he married in A.D. 225, and whose father, Seius Herennius, was later executed for plotting against the Emperor. In the wake of that event, the young empress was exiled and Alexander Severus was left with his mother to rule alone, with help from advisors like Cassius Dio.

Though Alexander’s reign appeared to be a sort of Golden Age of peace and prosperity for a time, there were issues that arose. Official supervision of trade and industry grew steadily, and the coinage was debased. State subsidies of education and tax rebates for guilds and property owners contributed to a financial crisis.

It also seems that Julia Mamaea had developed a paranoia when it came to protecting her son and, as a result of this, she amassed a fortune in gold and riches, some of which was taken by legal means (or otherwise) from wealthy landowners and aristocrats. She appears to have been obsessed with gold, which she hoarded, but also used to keep the Praetorians paid.

Alexander blamed his mother for her excessive love of money and was annoyed by her relentless pursuit of gold. For a time she pretended to be gathering funds to enable Alexander to gratify the praetorians readily and generously, but in truth she was hoarding it for herself. And her miserliness in some measure reflected discredit upon his reign, even though he personally opposed it and was angry when she confiscated anyone’s property and inheritance illegally.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 1.8)

Throughout the history of Imperial Rome, the Praetorian Guard was often a danger to those in power, even though they were intended to protect the emperors.

When Septimius Severus became sole emperor after the civil war, one of his first acts was to punish the Praetorians for auctioning off the throne after the death of Commodus. He then replaced the Praetorians with loyal men from his own legions. Notwithstanding that Severus had wrongly trusted his kinsman, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, as sole Praetorian Prefect, he had known that the Guard needed to be controlled.

However, by the time of Alexander Severus’ reign, the Praetorians had regained much of their lost power. After they had slain Elagabalus and acclaimed Alexander Severus as Emperor, in A.D. 223 they slew Domitius Ulpianus, the Praetorian Prefect.

Ulpianus, a lawyer and protege of Papinianus, the former Praetorian Prefect under Severus and Caracalla, was appointed to the prefecture by Alexander Severus. However, the Praetorians did not respect him. He was a lawyer, not a soldier, and so they slew him.

19th-century statue of Ulpian in the neoclassical Palais de Justice in Brussels, Belgium (Wikimedia Commons)

Around this time, according to Cassius Dio, the Praetorians also clashed with the Roman people for three days of fighting with many losing their lives. When the Praetorians began to lose, they began setting parts of the city on fire. A truce was reached, for fear of the city burning down.

Cassius Dio, who was made consul for the second time by Alexander Severus in A.D. 229, was also at odds with the Praetorians who had threatened his life such that the Emperor, who valued Dio’s council and friendship, insisted that Dio live away from Rome for his own safety, in Campania. It is at around this time, when The Hearts of Heroes takes place, that Cassius Dio ends his history and removes himself from public service, not only due to his ailing health, but also because of the threat posed by the Praetorians.

17th Century Illustration of Cassius Dio

It was now that Alexander Severus was to face his greatest threat: War.

In the year A.D. 231, Alexander Severus received dispatches from the Roman governors of Syria and Mesopotamia that a new Persian king by the name of Artaxerxes (Ardashir I) had killed the client Parthian king, Artabanus, and was now crossing the borders of the Roman Empire.

Alexander Severus wrote to Artaxerxes to warn him to stay within his own borders or else face defeat as he had at the hands of Septimius Severus and others.

Gold dinar of Artaxerxes (Ardashir I, c. A.D. 230)

But Artaxerxes ignored Alexander’s efforts; believing that the matter would be settled by arms, not by words, he took the field, pillaging and looting all the Roman provinces. He overran and plundered Mesopotamia, trampling it under the hoofs of his horses. He laid siege to the Roman garrison camps on the banks of the rivers, the camps which defended the empire. Rash by nature and elated by successes beyond his expectations, Artaxerxes was convinced that he could surmount every obstacle in his path.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 2.5)

Alexander had no choice but to go east to meet the enemy. With his massive army divided into three as they marched against the Persians, attacking them in different regions so that Artaxerxes had to hurry his men from one sector to another to meet them.

It might have been a good strategy had the Roman forces been in a better state of preparedness for the terrain and better disciplined. However, they were all but defeated.

All three Roman armies had been ordered to invade the enemy’s territory, and a final rendezvous had been selected to which they were to bring their booty and prisoners. But Alexander failed them: he did not bring his army or come himself into barbarian territory, either because he was afraid to risk his life for the Roman empire or because his mother’s feminine fears or excessive mother love restrained him.

She blocked his efforts at courage by persuading him that he should let others risk their lives for him, but that he should not personally fight in battle. It was this reluctance of his which led to the destruction of the advancing Roman army. The king attacked it unexpectedly with his entire force and trapped the Romans like fish in a net; firing their arrows from all sides at the encircled soldiers, the Persians massacred the whole army. The outnumbered Romans were unable to stem the attack of the Persian horde; they used their shields to protect those parts of their bodies exposed to the Persian arrows.

Content merely to protect themselves, they offered no resistance. As a result, all the Romans were driven into one spot, where they made a wall of their shields and fought like an army under siege. Hit and wounded from every side, they held out bravely as long as they could, but in the end all were killed. The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old. The successful outcome of these important events encouraged the Persian king to anticipate better things in the future.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 5.8-5.10)

Map of Roman Empire during Roman-Persian War under Alexander Severus A.D. 230-233 (Omni Atlas)

Though it was not a total defeat of the Romans, the events could be considered a complete failure on the part of Alexander Severus, for in shunning the battlefield – either by his own cowardice, or because of his mother’s over-protectiveness – the Emperor had lost the respect of the army.

As it turned out, he fell far short of his great uncle, Septimius Severus, who had begun the dynasty and who had conquered the east and the Parthians so decisively.

Alexander, Julia Mamaea, and his retinue returned to Antioch to recuperate. They tried to console the troops with lavish distributions of money to try and regain their good will, but it was to no avail. Even though Artaxerxes was withdrawing for the moment, the damage was done.

Then, in A.D. 233, messages arrived from the governors in Illyria that the German tribes had crossed the Rhine and Danube frontiers and were plundering Roman territories. The governors insisted that the Emperor bring his armies to meet the threat immediately.

Although he loathed the idea, Alexander glumly announced his departure for Illyria. Necessity compelled him to go, however; and so, leaving behind a force which he considered strong enough to defend the Roman frontiers, after he had seen to the forts and the walls of the camps with greater care and had assigned to each fort its normal complement of troops, the emperor marched out against the Germans with the rest of his army.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 7.5)

However, when he finally arrived, rather than meet the Germans in battle, Emperor Alexander Severus sent an embassy to the Germans with a peace settlement. Herodian tells us that “the avaricious Germans are susceptible to bribes and always ready to sell peace to the Romans for gold.”

Consequently, Alexander undertook to buy a truce rather than risk the hazards of war.

The soldiers, however, were not pleased by his action, for the time was passing without profit to them, and Alexander was doing nothing courageous or energetic about the war; on the contrary, when it was essential that he march out and punish the Germans for their insults, he spent the time in chariot racing and luxurious living.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 7.9-7.10)

Roman Aurea

Was Alexander Severus truly terrified of battle? Was his mother, Julia Mamaea, so fearful of losing him that she prevented him from fighting? Whatever the reason, the troops were no longer loyal to their emperor who had fallen short of all expectation.

In the end, while on the German frontier at Mogontiacum (Mainz), the men of the legions decided to back one of their own, a decorated legionary by the name of Maximinus. They robed him in imperial purple and declared him ‘Emperor’. Alexander Severus’ troops abandoned him. Herodian describes his end:

Trembling with fear, Alexander was scarcely able to retire to his quarters. Clinging to his mother and, as they say, complaining and lamenting that she was to blame for his death, he awaited his executioner. After being saluted as emperor by the entire army, Maximinus sent a tribune and several centurions to kill Alexander and his mother, together with any of his followers who opposed them.

When these men came to the emperor’s quarters, they rushed in and killed him with his mother; they also cut down those whom he had honored or who appeared to be his friends. Some, however, managed to flee or to hide for the moment, but Maximinus soon rounded up these fugitives and put them to death.

Such was the fate suffered by Alexander and his mother after he had ruled fourteen years without blame or bloodshed so far as it affected his subjects. A stranger to savagery, murder, and illegality, he was noted for his benevolence and good deeds. It is therefore entirely possible that the reign of Alexander might have won renown for its perfection had not his mother’s petty avarice brought disgrace upon him.

(Herodian, The Roman History, VI 9.6-9.8)

Maximinus Thrax – The Legionary Emperor (reigned A.D. 235-238)

In A.D. 235 Alexander Severus and his mother, Julia Mamaea, were slain by the men of the legions whose loyalty had been lost. The Severan dynasty was at an end. What had, at first, been the start of a period of hope, a new ‘golden age’, had turned into a titanic disappointment with a tragic, but not unexpected, finale.

Maximinus Thrax (A.D. 235-238), a Thracian, became the first legionary to be Emperor but he was a soldier, and not up to the politics of the role. He was tyrannical and prone to cruelty. He ignored Rome from the outset and the Senate turned on him, electing Gordian I to replace him. When he marched on Italy and was besieging Aquilea, Maximinus’ troops turned on him and murdered him and his son. Like Macrinus, he was just another upstart left for dead in the dust of the Empire.

Aerial view of the ruins of Leptis Magna – North African home of Septimius Severus who founded the dynasty

And so we come to the end of our time with the Severans, in fiction, and in history. It has been a fascinating journey getting to know this family at the peak of Rome’s might.

The Severan period is marked by several things, including a strong military with the successful completion of major campaigns that extended the Empire’s territory to its greatest extent, especially the Parthian campaign of Septimius Severus. The period saw curbed Praetorian power (at least at the outset) and, conversely, one of the most brutal Praetorian Prefects in Gaius Fulvius Plautianus. It was a period that saw some of the strongest, most powerful and intelligent women in the history of Ancient Rome in Empress Julia Domna, Julia Maesa, and Julia Mamaea.

The dynasty might have lasted longer, and Septimius Severus’ hard work not been lost, had it not been for the weakness of his heirs: his son’s Caracalla and Geta, and his great-nephews Elagabalus and Alexander Severus.

Silver Denarius of Alexander Severus (A.D. 222-235)

Was Alexander Severus’ end brought about by his cowardice, his mother’s avarice for wealth, or her deep fears for her son’s safety which manifested in an overprotectiveness that did more harm than good? Or is power at such lofty heights so precarious that one slip can send one over the cliff?

It seems like there is merit in all of the reasons given above. Just as with the fall of the Roman Empire, there is not one cause alone for its end, but rather a series of events and failures that led to its demise.

Perhaps the Severan dynasty is Rome’s end in microcosm. As Edward Gibbon wrote:

The contemporaries of Severus, in the enjoyment of the peace and glory of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been introduced. Posterity, who experienced the fatal effects of his maxims and example, justly considered him as the principal author of the decline of the Roman Empire.

(Edward Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, X, vol.1)

In the end, it seems that, despite the foundations of a dynasty laid by Septimius Severus, none of his heirs were up the task of treading the tightrope between strong and judicious rule and tyranny.

This period in Rome’s history was certainly not perfect, but it has much to teach us, including the lesson that, just as with empires, families too rise and fall…

Thank you for reading.

That concludes our blog series on The World of The Hearts of Heroes. We sincerely hope that you enjoyed it and found it informative. If you have missed any of the articles in this seven-part series, you can read them all on one page by CLICKING HERE.

If you are interested in reading the two main sources for this period, you can read Cassius Dio’s text in translation by CLICKING HERE, and Herodian’s text HERE.

If you would like to read more about the Severan dynasty and their period in Rome’s history, we urge you to explore the articles in the ‘Article Archive’ on the Eagles and Dragons Publishing website. We also highly recommend the book The Severans: The Changed Roman Empire by eminent historian, Michael Grant as a very accessible read that explores this period of immense change in the history of Rome.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

CLICK HERE to buy a copy and get ISBN#s for the edition of your choice.

If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles which is set during the Parthian campaigns of Emperor Septimius Severus.

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The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part I – Cassius Dio: Chronicler of the Severans

Salvete, Readers and Romanophiles!

Welcome to this first post in our exciting new blog series The World of The Hearts of Heroes! In this seven-part series, we’re going to be taking a look at some of the history, people, and places that appear in, and provide the settings for, this seventh book in the award-winning, #1 bestselling, Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series set in the Roman Empire.

If you’re a fan of the series, and don’t want any spoilers at all, then you may wish to hold off until you’ve read the book.

However, if you just want to get stuck into the history and research that went into this novel, read on! We hope you enjoy it!

17th Century Illustration of Cassius Dio

It is my desire to write a history of all the memorable achievements of the Romans, as well in time of peace as in war, so that no one, whether Roman or non-Roman, shall look in vain for any of the essential facts.

Although I have read pretty nearly everything about them that has been written by anybody, I have not included it all in my history, but only what I have seen fit to select. I trust, moreover, that if I have used a fine style, so far as the subject matter permitted, no one will on this account question the truthfulness of the narrative, as has happened in the case of some writers; for I have endeavoured to be equally exact in both these respects, so far as possible. I will begin at the point where I have obtained the clearest accounts of what is reported to have taken place in this land which we inhabit.

This land in which the city of Rome has been built.

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book I)

The quote above is the opening of Cassius Dio’s Roman History, the main source, and only truly contemporary one of the period of the Severan dynasty of Ancient Rome, when the Eagles and Dragons series takes place.

But who was Cassius Dio? How did he gain such a personal perspective of the Severans? Is he a reliable source for the period? How does he fit into our epic Eagles and Dragons saga?

In this article, we will explore all of these questions to try and get at some idea of the man behind the history.

Cassius Dio Cocceianus was born at Nicaea in Bithynia c. A.D. 164 (maybe A.D. 155) to a Roman father and a Greek mother. He was the son of Cassius Apronianus, a Roman senator who was the Governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia under Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Dio was also the grandson of the famous Greek orator, writer, historian and philosopher, Dio Chrysostom (c. A.D. 40-115), after whom he was named.

Growing up the son of a prominent Roman senator, Dio was no stranger to Roman politics. He was with his father when he was Governor of Dalmatia.

After his father died, Dio then went to Rome in about A.D. 180 where he became a senator under Emperor Commodus at about the age of twenty-five. This was the start of a successful political career where he subsequently became a praetor under Pertinax in A.D. 193.

But Cassius Dio really came into his own during the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211), a ruler whom Dio clearly admired. Under Severus, Dio was made Suffect Consul in A.D. 205, and then later became Consul for a second time under Emperor Alexander Severus, the last of the Severan emperors, in A.D. 229.

Emperor Septimius Severus

Cassius Dio’s Roman History is vital to our understanding of the events of the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries in Ancient Rome. Not only is his work the main contemporary source for the period, but as one who was close to the imperial court and a first-hand observer of the events that unfolded, from the reign of Commodus and throughout the Severan period, he offers a perspective that is entirely unique.

It is Dio’s first-hand account of the period, as well as his personal observations that, though sometimes in doubt, are unique and have proved invaluable in the creation of the Eagles and Dragons series.

Truthfully, Dio’s history has been crucial to my research throughout the entire series to date. Not only that, he is also a character in some books in the series, truly coming to the fore in The Hearts of Heroes.

Cassius Dio’s Roman History is not the only work which he produced. He also wrote a biography of Arrian, who was a fellow Bithynian, as well as an account of the reign of Emperor Hadrian. Another fascinating work which he wrote was a book about the dreams of Septimius Severus whom we know placed a great deal of stock in astrology and dreams. The Roman History, however, is Dio’s greatest work without which we would actually know very little about the Severans. Herodian, whom I have also used in research for the period, is our only other source, but as he was not as close to the people about whom he was writing, Dio is preferred.

Excerpt of Cassius Dio’s Roman History from a 5th-century manuscript (Wikimedia Commons)

But what about Cassius Dio’s Roman History as a source? What did it cover?

The Roman History is made up of about eighty books which took Dio about twenty-two years to write. Most of the text survives, but other parts are in fragments. Thankfully, more complete text has come down to us by way of an eleventh century epitome (an abridgement or summary) by Xiphilinus, and the twelfth century Epitome of Historical Works by Zonoras, a private secretary of Emperor Alexis I.

In his work, Dio attempts to cover the history of Rome from the landing of Aeneas to his second consulship in A.D. 229, when The Hearts of Heroes takes place. Cassius Dio wrote in Greek, in the Atticist tradition of ancient historians such as Thucydides.

The Roman History, which covers roughly a thousand years, can be divided into three sections: 1) the Republic, 2) the establishment of the Principate (monarchy) until the death of Marcus Aurelius, and 3) the period of Dio’s own life from the ascent of Commodus.

For the periods before his own, it is believed that Dio may have relied heavily upon the works of Livy, but also other historians of Rome such as Pliny the Elder, Tacitus, Caesar’s own commentaries and others. He may also have done more research by delving into the records of Rome, as is evidenced by his naming of minor magistrates.

The Emperor Commodus Leaving the Arena at the Head of the Gladiators (by Edwin Howland Blashfield)

For the period covering his own life, there is a sense from Dio of a falling from greatness during Commodus’ reign, leading to hope at the arrival of Septimius Severus. After Severus, there is certainly a returned sense of decline, and this period, from the reign of Caracalla on, could be considered the true beginning of the end of the Roman Empire.

The details of Dio’s own life can be gleaned from casual statements in his history and, when it comes to the period of Rome’s history in which he lived, his observations are based personal experience and not hearsay. He knew most of the people about whom he was writing, and that is what makes his work such a valuable source from the reign of Commodus, when he became a senator, right through to the last Severan, Alexander Severus, under whom he held his second consulship.

This man [Commodus] was not naturally wicked, but, on the contrary, as guileless as any man that ever lived. His great simplicity, however, together with his cowardice, made him the slave of his companions, and it was through them that he at first, out of ignorance, missed the better life and then was led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became second nature. And this, I think, Marcus clearly perceived beforehand. Commodus was nineteen years old when his father died, leaving him many guardians, among whom were numbered the best men of the senate. But their suggestions and counsels Commodus rejected, and after making a truce with the barbarians he rushed to Rome; for he hated all exertion and craved the comfortable life of the city.

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXIII)

Portrait of the Severan family with Geta’s face erased.

Cassius Dio began writing his history during the reign of Septimius Severus. The fact that he wrote a book about the dreams and omens of Severus makes scholars think he had a great deal of personal interaction with the Emperor. After receiving praise from the Emperor and the public, he undertook the larger Roman History.

With Septimius Severus’ accession to the imperial throne, Cassius Dio’s tone in the history appears hopeful, almost as if he was seeing a new, golden era for Rome. It was clear that Dio admired Severus…

The following is the manner of life that Severus followed in time of peace. He was sure to be doing something before dawn, and afterwards he would take a walk, telling and hearing of the interests of the empire. Then he would hold court, unless there were some great festival. Moreover, he used to do this most excellently; for he allowed the litigants plenty of time and he gave us, his advisers, full liberty to speak. He used to hear cases until noon; then he would ride, so far as his strength permitted, and afterward take some kind of gymnastic exercise and a bath. He then ate a plenti­ful luncheon, either by himself or with his sons. Next, he generally took a nap. Then he rose, attended to his remaining duties, and afterwards, when walking about, engaged in discussion in both Greek and Latin. Then, toward evening, he would bathe again and dine with his associates; for he very rarely invited any guest to dinner, and only on days when it was quite unavoidable did he arrange expensive banquets. He lived sixty-five years, nine months, and twenty-five days, for he was born on the eleventh of April. Of this period he had ruled for seventeen years, eight months, and three days. In fine, he showed himself so active that even when expiring he gasped: “Come, give it here, if we have anything to do.”

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXVII)

Emperor Caracalla

When one considers the rulers whom Cassius Dio lived and worked under – Commodus, Severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus – you would not be wrong to assume he was quite politically astute, and that he was a survivor. Despite the golden and hopeful period of Severus’ reign, it was a time of terror for many. Here, Dio describes the fear they felt at Commodus’ reign, when the Emperor made them watch him as a gladiator:

This fear was shared by all, by us senators as well as by the rest. And here is another thing that he did to us senators which gave us every reason to look for our death. Having killed an ostrich and cut off his head, he came up to where we were sitting, holding the head in his left hand and in his right hand raising aloft his bloody sword; and though he spoke not a word, yet he wagged his head with a grin, indicating that he would treat us in the same way. And many would indeed have perished by the sword on the spot, for laughing at him (for it was laughter rather than indignation that overcame us), if I had not chewed some laurel leaves, which I got from my garland, myself, and persuaded the others who were sitting near me to do the same, so that in the steady movement of our armies we might conceal the fact that we were laughing.

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXIII)

Later, after the murder of Caracalla by Macrinus and the Praetorians, Dio carried on surviving and was made curator ad corrigendum statum civitatum of Pergamun and Smyrna by Macrinus, a role which he carried on in under the insane Elagabalus. When Alexander Severus came to the throne, Dio was made Proconsul of Africa and then Governor of Dalmatia and Upper Pannonia.

Unfortunately, the final book of Dio’s Roman History is fragmented. Little is said of the reign of the young Alexander Severus (he was just fourteen when his grandmother, Julia Maesa, and his mother, Julia Mamaea, put him on the throne). What we know comes from the sixth book of Herodian’s History of the Roman Empire from the death of Marcus Aurelius in A.D. 180 to A.D. 238. At the end of his Roman History, Dio appears rushed, even stating that:

Thus far I have described events with as great accuracy as I could in every case, but for subsequent events I have not found it possible to give an accurate account, for the reason that I did not spend much time in Rome. For, after going from Asia into Bithynia, I fell sick, and from there I hastened to my province of Africa; then, on returning to Italy I was almost immediately sent as governor first to Dalmatia and then to Upper Pannonia, and though after that I returned to Rome and to Campania, I at once set out for home. For these reasons, then, I have not been able to compile the same kind of account of subsequent events as of the earlier ones.

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXX)

The Praetorian Guard

Though Dio had survived a few emperors whom many would consider to be unstable, or even insane, it appears that the greatest threat he faced was from the dreaded Praetorian Guard. Apparently, after he took disciplinary measures in Pannonia in his role as governor, he became unpopular with the Praetorians, such that he feared for his life.

Emperor Alexander Severus, who seems to have liked Dio, attempted to keep Dio safe by allowing him to live and work away from Rome in Campania.

…I ruled the soldiers in Pannonia with a strong hand; and they demanded my surrender, through fear that someone might compel them to submit to a régime similar to that of the Pannonian troops.

Alexander, however, paid no heed to them, but, on the contrary, honoured me in various ways, especially by appointing me to be consul for the second time, as his colleague, and taking upon himself personally the responsibility of meeting the expenditures of my office. But as the malcontents evinced displeasure at this, he became afraid that they might kill me if they saw me in the insignia of my office, and so he bade me spend the period of my consul­ship in Italy, somewhere outside of Rome. And thus later I came both to Rome and to Campania to visit him, and spent a few days in his company, during which the soldiers saw me without offering to do me any harm;

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXX)

Thankfully, Herodian fills in the gaps of Alexander Severus’ reign for us while Dio was distracted with duty, illness, and fear for his life at the hands of the Praetorians.

One can imagine that Dio would have continued to serve Alexander Severus long and faithfully but, as it was, for his safety and because of his illness and aching body, Cassius Dio was permitted to retire to Nicaea, in his native Bithynia, where he is supposed to have died shortly thereafter over the age of seventy.

…having asked to be excused because of the ailment of my feet, I set out for home, with the intention of spending all the rest of my life in my native land, as, indeed, the Heavenly Power revealed to me most clearly when I was already in Bithynia. For once in a dream I thought I was commanded by it to write at the close of my work these verses:

“Hector anon did Zeus lead forth out of range of the missiles, 

Out of the dust and the slaying of men and the blood and the uproar.”

(Cassius Dio; Roman History, Book LXXX)

Bust of Alexander Severus, the last Severan Emperor (Wikimedia Commons)

And so ended the Roman History, and the life of Cassius Dio.

Despite the importance of Dio’s Roman History for our knowledge of the Severan period, he has not been without criticism by modern historians. Some point out his use of adornment and personal anecdotes as a flaw when relaying significant events. Though not as salacious as Herodian, he does opt for more dramatic presentation at times. Dio has also been criticized for clouding things with his personal impressions. Sometimes names and exact dates are left out, and some speeches are believed to express Dio’s own views rather than actual events. An example of this is when Agrippa and Maecenas make speeches to Octavian when discussing the establishment of a monarchy in Book LII.

However, apart from his being the main source for the Severan period, Cassius Dio has much to commend him and his history. He pays a great deal of attention to constitutional and administrative matters, showing that he did his due diligence by consulting public records. He used a variety of sources in an attempt to arrive at the truth.

Cassius Dio, though half Greek, writes from a purely Roman viewpoint. And, interestingly, though he was a senator, he appeared to be a true believer in monarchy.

Personally, I have greatly enjoyed reading Dio’s work over the years, as well as including him in the Eagles and Dragons saga. This story would have been very different without his insights, and the personal anecdotes which some historians criticize him for, I actually find to be a boon. The personal, though not always unbiased, touch which Dio brings to the Roman History gives us a personal peek into the private lives of the Severans in a way that other histories do not.

For me, Cassius Dio has been a knowledgeable, accessible, and entertaining travel companion through the Severan age.

Thank you for reading.

We hope you’ve enjoyed this first post in The World of The Hearts of Heroes blog series. Stayed tuned for Part II in which we will look at the Roman-British civitas of Viroconium Cornoviorum.

If you are interested in reading the full, surviving text of Cassius Dio’s Roman History, you can do so for free by CLICKING HERE.

To read the text of Herodian, the other source for the period, click HERE.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

CLICK HERE to buy a copy and get ISBN#s for the edition of your choice.

If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles.

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Io Saturnalia! – The Great Festival Through the Eyes of Ancient Romans

Io Saturnalia, Romanophiles!

It’s that time of year again, the time which the Roman poet Catullus referred to as optimo dierum, the ‘best of days’.

From December the 17th to the 23rd, Romans and people across the Empire would celebrate Saturn, the Winter Solstice, and the Unconquerable Sun. It can only be described as a joyous, indulgent carnival atmosphere that involved, eating, drinking, candles, holly, gifts, music, gambling, dressing up (or down!) and more. In fact many of the traditions of Saturnalia have informed our own traditions of Christmastime.

To read all about the specific traditions of Saturnalia, check out the previous post entitled Io Saturnalia! – Celebrating ‘The best of days’ in Ancient Rome by CLICKING HERE.

This year, we’re going to be looking at the festival of Saturnalia from a different angle, that is, through the eyes of ancient writers!

What did Saturnalia mean for people in ancient Rome? Was it like Christmas for us today? Did they look forward it? Did they dread the expense and preparation it required to entertain or put a smile upon the faces of their familiae?

In this brief blog post, we’re going to hear from several ancient authors about what they thought of the various aspects of this ancient and sacred festival…

The Gods Command You to Have a Good Time!

The rule of Saturnus was thought to be a mythological ‘golden age’ for Rome, and this festival harkens back to that. It honours Saturn who was the chthonic (of the earth) Roman god of seed sowing, who was often equated with the Greek god Cronus.

The Greek writer, Lucian of Samosata (c. 125-180 CE), in his dialogue, Saturnalia, relates a conversation between the god Cronus (ie. Saturn) and his priest, in which he declares that people should enjoy themselves during his festival:

Mine is a limited monarchy, you see. To begin with, it only lasts a week; that over, I am a private person, just a man in the street. Secondly, during my week the serious is barred; no business allowed. Drinking and being drunk, noise and games and dice, appointing of kings and feasting of slaves, singing naked, clapping of tremulous hands, an occasional ducking of corked faces in icy water,–such are the functions over which I preside. But the great things, wealth and gold and such, Zeus distributes as he will.

(Lucian, Saturnalia II)

This one paragraph is a wonderful source for us today because it highlights some of the most important traditions and activities of Saturnalia. and if the Gods command it, well, you HAVE to obey!

But Saturnalia was not always seven days in duration. At first, it was only a single day. As it grew in popularity, however, this expanded.

The ancient author Macrobius Theodosius Ambrosius (c. 400 CE), usually referred to simply as Macrobius, wrote what is perhaps the most famous work on this ancient festival. He acknowledges and praises the changes that led to a longer festival:

Long awaited, the seven Saturnalia are now at hand… “Our ancestors instituted many fine customs, and this is the best: from the deepest chill they produced the seven-day Saturnalia.”

(Macrobius, Saturnalia 10.3)

In addition to a lengthy period of merrymaking, just as today, things shut down for a few days. From December 17th, to December 19th, everything closed in Rome. No business was transacted and no war was waged. In a way, everyone was bound by divine decree to enjoy themselves!

Enjoy the Feast!

Just as with our own sacred days, food and eating played a major part in the Saturnalian festivities. The main sacrifice to Saturn consisted of a suckling pig, and this is what most Romans ate, if they could afford it.

The roman authorities also put on public feasts for the people of Rome, so everyone got a chance to enjoy and indulge a little. This convivium publicum was held in the Roman forum and the image of the God Saturn, presided over it.

The famous Roman historian, Titus Livius (c. 64 BCE – 12 CE), wrote about this public feast:

Finally-the month was now December – victims were slain at the temple of Saturn in Rome and a lectisternium was ordered – this time senators administered the rite – and a public feast, and throughout the City for a day and a night “Saturnalia” was cried, and the people were bidden to keep that day as a holiday and observe it in perpetuity.

(Livy, The History of Rome, Book I, XXII – 1.19)

Saturnalia was indeed a time of good will and everyone, rich and poor, master and slave, enjoyed some portion of the festivities.

A Time of Opposites

One thing that was unique to Saturnalia was the encouragement to do the opposite of what was considered normal. Rules were meant to be broken. For example, public gambling was encouraged without risk of punishment, but they did not gamble with coin, but rather, with hazelnuts! Instead of their usual toga or tunic, men wore a brightly coloured garment called a synthesis, and a pointy felt cap called a pileus. Priests at the temples and the paterfamiliae in private homes, who usually made sacrifices with their heads covered, made sacrifices during Saturnalia with their heads uncovered in the ritus Graecus, the ‘Greek fashion’.

Perhaps the most well-known, and looked-forward-to tradition for some, was the role reversal of master and slave. At one point during Saturnalia, the masters prepared and served dinner to their slaves, and gave them presents as well. Macrobius describes this for us:

Meanwhile, the head of the slave household, whose responsibility it was to offer sacrifice to the Penates, to manage the provisions and to direct the activities of the domestic servants, came to tell his master that the household had feasted according to the annual ritual custom. For at this festival, in houses that keep the proper religious usage, they first of all honour the slaves with a dinner prepared as if for the master; and only afterwards is the table set again for the head of the household. So, then, the chief slave came in to announce the time of dinner and to summon the masters to the table.

(Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.24.22-23)

In the above quote, Macrobius references ‘houses that keep the proper religious usage’, and so, by this reference, one has to infer that there were houses where such traditions were not kept, religious or not. Surely there were houses where the slaves of the familia were treated better than in others? Those slaves whose masters observed the proper traditions of Saturnalia were, no doubt, the envy of others whose masters took a more miserly view of Saturnalia.

It does seem like most masters were happy to honour the tradition of trading places with their slaves for part of the festival, but no doubt some masters had to deal with impertinent slaves as well!

In his Satyricon, Gaius Petronius Arbiter (27-66 CE), often known simply as Petronius, refers to masters having to deal with impudent slaves during a feast, and of giving gifts to slaves:

Taking everything that was said for high praise, the foul slave now drew an earthenware lamp from his bosom, and for more than half an hour mimicked a trumpeter, while Habinnas accompanied him, squeezing his lip down with his fingers. Finally he actually stepped out into the middle of the room, and first imitated a flute player by means of broken reeds; then with riding-cloak and whip, acted the muleteer, till Habinnas called him to his side and kissed him, gave him a drink and cried, “Bravo! Massa, bravo! I’ll give you a pair of boots.”

We should never have seen the end of these tiresome inflictions but for the extra-course now coming in,- thrushes of pastry, stuffed with raisins and walnuts, followed by quinces stuck over with thorns, to represent sea-urchins. This would have been intolerable enough, had it not been for a still more outlandish dish, such a horrible concoction, we would rather have died than touch it. Directly it was on the table,- to all appearance a fatted goose, with fish and fowl of all kinds round it. “Friends,” cried Trimalchio, “every single thing you see on that dish is made out of one substance.” With my wonted perspicacity, I instantly guessed its nature, and said, giving Agamemnon a look, “For my own part, I shall be greatly surprised, if it is not all made of filth, or at any rate mud. When I was in Rome at the Saturnalia, I saw some sham eatables of the same sort.” I had not done speaking when Trimalchio explained, “As I hope to grow a bigger man,- in fortune I mean, not fat,- I declare my cook made it every bit out of a pig. Never was a more invaluable fellow! Give the word, he’ll make you a fish of the paunch, a wood-pigeon of the lard, a turtle-dove of the forehand, and a hen of the hind leg! And that’s why I very cleverly gave him such a fine and fitting name as Daedalus. And because he’s such a good servant, I brought him a present from Rome, a set of knives of Noric steel.” These he immediately ordered to be brought, and examined and admired them, even allowing us to try their edge on our cheeks.

(Petronius, Satyricon LXIX)

One imagines that a master could, when in company, be embarrassed by his slaves’ behaviour as is so hilariously portrayed by Petronius above. Though the feast of Trimalchio in Satyricon is not a Saturnalia feast, it carries many similarities, as well as a reference to the sacred festival.

But it was not only slaves who sought to call upon Saturnalia for better treatment from their masters. Cassius Dio, in The Roman History, relays how the troops in Britannia, under the command of Aulus Plautius, invoke Saturnalia when they are most upset with their commander:

While these events were happening in the city, Aulus Plautius, a senator of great renown, made a campaign against Britain; for a certain Bericus, who had been driven out of the island as a result of an uprising, had persuaded Claudius to send a force thither. Thus it came about that Plautius undertook this campaign; but he had difficulty in inducing his army to advance beyond Gaul. For the soldiers were indignant at the thought of carrying on a campaign outside the limits of the known world, and would not yield him obedience until Narcissus, who had been sent out by Claudius, mounted the tribunal of Plautius and attempted to address them. Then they became much angrier at this and would not allow Narcissus to say a word, but suddenly shouted with one accord the well-known cry, “Io Saturnalia” (for at the festival of Saturn the slaves don their masters’ dress and old festival), and at once right willingly followed Plautius…

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History LX 19)

A Time of Gift-Giving

December the 19th, the third day of Saturnalia, was the all-important day of the sigillaria. Sigillaria were gifts that were given to family members, to friends, guests, and even to slaves.

Just as today at Christmas, gifts given at Saturnalia varied widely and in accordance with one’s budget and social status. The poet Marcus Varlerius Matialis (c. 38-102 CE), known as Martial, wrote about the giving of gifts at Saturnalia:

Now, while the knights and the lordly senators delight in the festive robe, and the cap of liberty is assumed by our Jupiter; and while the slave, as he rattles the dice-box, has no fear of the Aedile, seeing that the ponds are so nearly frozen, learn alternately what is allotted to the rich and to the poor. Let each make suitable presents to his friends. That these contributions of mine are follies and trifles, and even worse, who does not know? or who denies what is so evident? But what can I do better, Saturn, on these days of pleasure, which your son himself has consecrated to you in compensation for the heaven from which he ejected you? Would you have me write of Thebes, or of Troy, or of the crimes of Mycenae? You reply, “Play with nuts. But I don’t want to waste even nuts. Reader, you may finish this book wherever you please, every subject is completed in a couple of lines.

(Martial, Epigrams XIV)

Martial seems to have especially enjoyed the gift-giving aspect of Saturnalia, for his works, Xenia, and Apophoreta, were apparently given as gifts during this ancient festival. In his Epigrams, he also gives a long list of gifts that are suitable for Saturnalia, and there is something to fit every budget.

Some of the possible gifts for guests at feasts which Martial lists include tablets (of wood or ivory); coffers (wood to hold silver, ivory to hold gold); a dice box; a gaming table; a pen case; toothpicks; ear picks; hair pins; combs; balls; hats; knives; spears; a sword and belt; a dagger; a bookcase; bundles of reed pens; candles (cerei); candlesticks; games; balls; dumbbells; leather caps; strigils; flasks; horse whips; reed pipes; slippers; pigs; various birds; vases; cups; furniture etc. etc.

Cut Out That Racket!

Not everyone enjoyed Saturnalia, however, and just as many may not look forward to the holidays today, so too did some Romans dread the advent of Saturn’s festival.

How many of us, when caught up in the chaos of entertaining and large family gatherings (before our modern plague, that is), longed for some quiet time to catch our breath? The introverts among us especially need occasion to recharge before heading back into the partying throng, no?

It was the same for the Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (c. 61-113 CE), Pliny the Younger, who relayed his need to escape the festivities:

Adjoining it is an ante-room and a chamber projected towards the sun, which the latter room catches immediately upon his rising, and retains his rays beyond mid-day though they fall aslant upon it. When I betake myself into this sitting-room, I seem to be quite away even from my villa, and I find it delightful to sit there, especially during the Saturnalia, when all the rest of the house rings with the merriment and shouts of the festival-makers; for then I do not interfere with their amusements, and they do not distract me from my studies.

(Pliny the Younger, Epistles II.17.24)

Pliny doesn’t seem to want to be a party-pooper, and so kindly withdraws to allow his guests to carry on with their revelry. 

However, not everyone would have been so kind.

Enter Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4-65 CE), the Scrooge of his age, it seems, for he paints a dire and distasteful picture of the Saturnalian revels going on around him:

It is the month of December, and yet the city is at this very moment in a sweat. Licence is given to the general merrymaking. Everything resounds with mighty preparations, – as if the Saturnalia differed at all from the usual business day! So true it is that the difference is nil, that I regard as correct the remark of the man who said: “Once December was a month; now it is a year.”

If I had you with me, I should be glad to consult you and find out what you think should be done, – whether we ought to make no change in our daily routine, or whether, in order not to be out of sympathy with the ways of the public, we should dine in gayer fashion and doff the toga. As it is now, we Romans have changed our dress for the sake of pleasure and holiday-making, though in former times that was only customary when the State was disturbed and had fallen on evil days. I am sure that, if I know you aright, playing the part of an umpire you would have wished that we should be neither like the liberty-capped throng in all ways, nor in all ways unlike them; unless, perhaps, this is just the season when we ought to lay down the law to the soul, and bid it be alone in refraining from pleasures just when the whole mob has let itself go in pleasures; for this is the surest proof which a man can get of his own constancy, if he neither seeks the things which are seductive and allure him to luxury, nor is led into them. It shows much more courage to remain dry and sober when the mob is drunk and vomiting; but it shows greater self-control to refuse to withdraw oneself and to do what the crowd does, but in a different way, – thus neither making oneself conspicuous nor becoming one of the crowd. For one may keep holiday without extravagance.

(Seneca, Epistles XVIII, Letters to Lucilius)

A Time of Hope

Even though some people, like Seneca, seemed to dread the coming of Saturnalia, for most it was a time of hope and celebration, a time to honour Saturn and each other, and to celebrate the Solstice and the Dies Natalis Solis Invicti, the birthday of the Unconquerable Sun.

It was something to look forward to at the darkest time of year.

Perhaps not that much changes? In the West, many of us look forward to December and the celebrations that do stretch on for some time.

The Greco-Roman poet, Publius Papinius Statius (c. 45-96 CE), in one of his poems, relates the feelings of hope and joy which many must have felt with the coming of December:

Mighty Apollo, and stern Pallas

And you Muses, away and play!

We’ll recall you on Janus’ Kalends.

Let unchained Saturn join with me,

And December soaked with wine,

Smiling Humour and wanton Jest,

While of happy Caesar’s joyous

Day I tell, and of tipsy feasting.

Scarce had Aurora brought the dawn,

And already good things rained down:

These the dews the easterly sprinkled:

Whichever are best of Pontic nuts,

And dates from Idume’s fertile hills,

And plums pious Damascus grows,

And figs Ebusos and Caunos ripen,

Freely the lavish spoils descend.

And pastries and ‘little Gaiuses’

Ameria’s un-dried apples and pears,

Spiced cakes and ripened dates,

Shower from an unseen palm.

Not stormy Hyas drenches Earth

Nor the Pleiades with such showers

As rattled down on the Latian theatre

Like bursts of hail from a clear sky.

Let Jupiter cloud the whole world

Threaten to deluge the open fields,

So long as our Jove brings such rain.

Look, along the aisles comes another

Crowd, handsome and finely dressed,

No less in number than those seated!

These bring bread-baskets and white

Napkins, and elegant delicacies to eat,

Those pour out mellow wine freely:

So many cupbearers down from Ida.

The fourteen rows, now virtuous, sober,

Are fed, with the people wearing gowns;

And since you nourish so many, Lord,

Annona, the price of corn’s, outweighed.

Ages, compare now, if it’s your wish,

Old Saturn’s centuries, golden days:

Never flowed wine so, even then,

Nor did harvest anticipate new year.

Every order eats here at the one table:

Women, children, knights, plebs, Senate:

Freedom has set aside reverence.

Why you yourself (which of the gods

Issues and accepts his own invitation?)

Have come to the feast along with us.

Now all, now whoever, rich or poor

Can boast of dining with our leader.

Amid the din, and rich novelties,

The pleasant spectacle flickers by.

The unskilled sex, unused to swords,

Take position in warlike combat.

They seem like troops of Amazons

In heat, by Tanais or wild Phasis.

Here’s a line of audacious midgets,

Whom Nature suddenly left off making,

And tied forever in spherical knots.

They deal wounds and ply their fists

And threaten each other with death!

Mars and blood-stained Courage laugh

While cranes swoop at their errant prey

Wondering at their pigmy pugnacity.

Now as the shades of night gather,

A scattering of riches provokes tumult!

The girls enter, now readily bought,

Here’s whatever delights the stalls,

Pleasing forms, or established skill.

Here, the fat Lydian ladies applaud,

There are cymbals, jingling Spaniards,

And there, the troops of noisy Syrians.

Here’s the theatre-mob, and those who

Barter common sulphur for broken glass.

Meanwhile vast flocks of birds suddenly

Swoop like clouds from among the stars,

Flamingos, pheasants and guinea fowl,

That Nile, Phasis and Numidia capture.

Too many to seize; the folds of gowns

Are happily filled with new-won prizes.

Countless voices, that rise to the stars,

Proclaim the Emperor’s Saturnalia,

Acclaim him leader with fond applause.

Here’s the only licence Caesar banned:

Barely had darkness cloaked the world,

When a fiery ball from the arena’s midst

Shone as it rose through the dense gloom,

Exceeding the light of the Cretan crown.

The sky was bright with flame, permitting

No licence at all to night’s dark shadows.

At the sight of it, idle Silence and Sleep

Must take themselves off to other cities.

Who could sing the free jests, the shows,

The banquets, the home-grown foodstuffs,

Those lavishly flowing rivers of wine?

Now my strength ebbs, and your liquor

Drags me tipsily towards needful slumber.

To what distant ages shall this day travel?

Sacred, undiminished, through the years.

Whilst Latium’s hills, by Father Tiber,

And Rome, still stand, and its Capitol,

That you restore to Earth: it shall remain.

(Statius, Silvae 1.6)

I do love this poem by Statius, for it seems to envelop all the religious beliefs, traditions, chaos and revelry of Saturnalia. It paints of picture of life in ancient Rome like no other.

It may not have been enjoyed by all, but it was, perhaps, the most universally celebrated festival across all classes of Romans, something to be looked forward to and shared, something to be honoured.

And with that, I say to you, dear reader, Io Saturnalia!

I hope you enjoyed this post about what ancient Romans thought of Saturnalia.

This ancient festival is a wonderful subject to research and write about, for it brings the world of ancient Rome to colourful and vivid life!

If you would like to experience ancient Rome during Saturnalia, you will want to check out Saturnalia: A Tale of Wickedness and Redemption in Ancient Rome. 

Many of the sources mentioned above helped to inform the research for this book which is also a sort of homage to Charles Dickens’ A Christmas Carol and our own holiday traditions.

You can get Saturnalia from all major bookstores and on-line retailers in e-book or paperback, from your local public library through OverDrive, as well as directly from Eagles and Dragons Publishing HERE.

For a taste of the book, see the video below in which I read an excerpt.

From all of us at Eagles and Dragons Publishing, Merry Christmas, Happy Holidays, Happy Solstice, and Io Saturnalia!

 

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part IV – The Court of Severus in Eburacum

Welcome back to The World of Isle of the Blessed. We are at the midway point in this blog series about the history, archaeology and research that are related to Isle of the Blessed, the latest novel in the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series.

Last week in Part III, we took a tour of Glastonbury, Somerset and some of the sites that are featured in the novel. If you missed it, you can check it out HERE.

This week, in Part IV, we will be meeting some of the main players in the story, the members of Septimius Severus’ imperial court in Eburacum (modern York) when he spent three years there during the Caledonian campaign. Fans of the series will already be familiar with some, but others will be new, but no less interesting or important to this part of the story.

What was it like to be a part of the imperial court?

During the Caledonian campaign, Septimius Severus moved much of his government to Eburacum, the provincial capital of Britannia Inferior, the northern half of the province.

His entourage would have included not only his wife, sons, and other family members, but also an army of slaves, civil servants and more.

With the court moving to Eburacum for over three years, the city would have been bustling with activity. The markets would have been full with merchants and suppliers coming from around the Empire to provide for the great influx of civilians as well as the many thousands of auxiliary troops who came to Caledonia in addition to the legions that were already posted there.

Like any imperial court, however, there were camps with different intentions and interests working in the background. The glens of Scotland were not the only battlefields, and the period of Severus’ rule, perhaps especially during the Caledonian campaign, was a crucial time for the Empire.

So who were the main players at the imperial court, and where did their loyalties lie?

Severus had been ‘dying’ for years, but now, it seemed, the end was near, and the vultures were circling.

First, let us look at the family of Severus himself.

Septimius Severus and his family, Julia Domna, Caracalla and Geta (with face missing)

The Severans were a very interesting family and not without their tales of violence and greed and uniqueness of character. The period is not marked by something so brutal (not yet!) as the psychotic reign of Caligula, but there are certainly many more dimensions. It is a time of militarism, of a weakened Senate, a time of spymasters in various camps. It is a time marked by the rise of lower classes, the presence of powerful women and, over it all, a blanket of religious superstition at the highest levels. Many believe that it is this period in Rome’s history that marks the true beginning of the end of the Roman Empire.

In writing the Eagles and Dragons series, it has become obvious that Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) was, perhaps, one of the better emperors in Rome’s history. Sure, he was not Antoninus Pius (few were), but he was far better than say, Tiberius.

He was the son of an Equestrian from Leptis Magna in North Africa. When Commodus was killed in A.D. 192, Severus was governor of Pannonia. When the Praetorians decided to auction the imperial seat a short time later, Severus’ legions declared him Emperor. He subsequently defeated his two opponents who had also declared themselves Emperor: Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger. A purge of his opponents’ followers in the Senate and Rome made Severus sole ruler of the largest empire in the world.

Septimius Severus was a martial emperor, the army was his power and he knew how to use it, how to keep the legions loyal and happy. During his reign, he increased troops’ pay and in a radical move, allowed soldiers to get married. Severus was good to his troops, his Pannonian Legions and victorious Parthian veterans, some of whom fought for him in Caledonia. He promoted equestrians to ranks previously reserved for aristocrats and lower ranks to equestrian status. There was a lot of mobility within the rank system at the time due to Severus ‘democratization’ of the army. Remember, this was an emperor who favoured his troops, especially those who distinguished themselves. However, as Lucius Metellus Anguis discovers in Isle of the Blessed, there are prices to be paid. No favour is free, and being close to the imperial court can be perilous.

Emperor Septimius Severus

One of the most interesting characters of the period is Empress Julia Domna. She appears as one of the strongest women in Rome’s history, an equal partner in power with her husband who heeded her advice but also respected her. Julia Domna was the first of the so-called ‘Syrian women’, hailing from Antioch where her father had been the respected high priest of Baal at Emesa (Homs in modern Syria).

Julia Domna was also highly intelligent, known as a philosopher, and had a group of leading scholars and rhetoricians about her. They came from around the Empire to be a part of her circle, to win commissions from her. Her strength also bought her a great many enemies, including the previous Praetorian Prefect and kinsman to Severus, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus. In Caledonia however, years after the death of Plautianus, with her husband’s health deteriorating rapidly, she must have worried a great deal about the dual succession of their sons, Caracalla and Geta, both of whom brought a tenseness to the court.

Julia Domna

By all accounts Caracalla and Geta, Severus’ heirs, were both at odds much of the time. The two brothers seem to have tolerated each other’s presence and competed fiercely back in Rome, even in the hippodrome where at one point they raced each other so aggressively on their chariots that they ended up with several broken bones, almost leaving their father without a successor.

Caracalla seems to have been the favourite of the empress, though in later years Julia Domna does come to Geta’s defence, however much in vain.

One of the main reasons the sources give for the Caledonian campaign was that Septimius Severus believed it would be good for his sons, a way to teach them, give them focus, and prepare them to succeed him together. If anything, however, the angry chasm between the brothers grew worse the more their father’s light faded.

Caracalla

Caracalla, the older of the two brothers and about twenty-two at the time of the campaign, was the more martial of the pair. While Geta was appointed to administer the province from Eburacum, Caracalla went north to fight alongside the troops.

Did resentment build in the young Caesar as he fought, away from the court? Suspicion? Paranoia? Perhaps it was all of that and more? During the first phase of the Caledonian campaign, when Severus was about to agree to peace with Argentocoxus, the Caledonian leader, it is said that Caracalla nearly murdered his father in front of everyone, an episode that plays out in the previous novel, Warriors of Epona.

Caracalla was eager for the imperial throne, so much so that, as Herodian tell us, “he tried to persuade the physicians to harm the old man in their treatments so that he would be rid of him more quickly.”

Denarius of Publius Septimius Geta

And what of Geta, Severus’ younger son and heir?

He seems to have been entrusted with much as far as the administration of Britannia during the Caledonian campaign, so he must have been skilled to some extent. However, from what little we know of him, he was not the survivor that his brother was, and most likely lacked the ambition that was needed in the imperial court.

He was respected by people at court and by the army, but this was perhaps due more to his parentage and position than his actions over the course of his short life.

Whatever impact Geta had over the years, perhaps the most prominent was his ability to anger his brother by way of his mere existence.

Aemilius Papinianus

One of the main players at the imperial court was Aemilius Papinianus, or ‘Papinian’ (A.D. 150-212), Prefect of the Praetorian Guard.

Papinianus is a fascinating man, a man of intelligence who was thrust, perhaps unwillingly, into one of the most powerful and perilous positions in the Roman Empire.

After the death of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus in A.D. 205, as told in Killing the Hydra, Severus appointed Papinianus as prefect of the guard. Before that, he had been a brilliant jurist (lawyer), legal expert, and had served as Severus’ main secretary. He was Syrian, and it seems likely that he was a cousin of the empress, Julia Domna. Perhaps that is why he was so trusted.

Papinianus, in his day, wrote many legal texts and was a great believer in the equity of the law. But what must he have thought to see the risk of all that Severus built over the years – with his advice – turning to ash after the succession of Caracalla and Geta?

It must have been dark days for the reluctant Praetorian Prefect.

Domitius Ulpianus

Lurking in the shadows of Papinianus was his long-time apprentice and fellow jurist, Domitius Ulpianus, or ‘Ulpian’ (A.D. 170-223).

It seems that Ulpianus was also a brilliant lawyer who served as a secretary under Severus (beneath Papinianus), and then became Papinianus’ right hand when the latter was made Praetorian Prefect.

Interestingly, Ulpianus’ writings were very influential on Roman law and later, on the laws of Medieval Europe.

But what must he have thought constantly playing second to Papinianus? Did the apprentice ever feel jealous of the master, or try to outdo him? We don’t know for certain, but what we do know is that he survived the tough years ahead, and so he must have been close to Caracalla. In fact, Ulpianus went on to become sole Praetorian Prefect in A.D. 223 under Emperor Severus Alexander. He must have been a survivor.

A Roman tutor and his students

There are two other men who played a very prominent role at the imperial court, who had the emperor and empress’ utmost trust, but who had also incurred the wrath of Caracalla.

Euodus, was the long-time tutor of Caracalla and Geta, and was still with the family when they went north during the Caledonian campaign. It seems that life was easier when the young caesars were smaller, but as the years went by and the animosity between them grew worse, Euodus’ job was more to try and nurture harmony between the brothers, something he evidently failed at.

This man may have felt he had much influence at court, and perhaps he did. But his constant attentions, his preachings perhaps, would prove to be more of an aggravation to Caracalla. Euodus would pay for it.

Roman freedmen

Likewise, Castor, who was Septimius Severus’ most trusted chamberlain, had a prominent role at court. He was a freedman of Severus’, elevated from a lowly rank to having the emperor’s ear, and his confidence, on a daily basis.

It is said that Castor was one of the imperial court members who most annoyed Caracalla. He was there at every turn, even when Severus reprimanded his son for attempting to kill him in front of the Caledonii at the end of the first campaign.

As Cassius Dio tell us, both Castor and Euodus did not fare well when Severus finally passed.

Astrology played an enormous role in the life and decisions of Septimius Severus

There were others who played a crucial role in the imperial court and would have been present at Eburacum during Severus’ time there.

As almost fanatical believers in astrology, Septimius Severus and Julia Domna would have had their primary astrologer, possibly named Artemidoros, with them at all times. He would have done daily readings for them, advised on any action, civic, personal, or military, and was probably the one who determined the date of Severus’ death before they even left Rome.

The sources say little to nothing about him, but his role would have been an important one, his influence upon the emperor and empress great.

Artist impression of a Roman doctor at work

As someone who would have been ill for many years, Septimius Severus would have required medical attention on a daily basis, especially at the end. His physicians would have been there, at the heart of imperial politics, hearing and seeing much, including Caracalla’s aforementioned request to speed his father’s passing.

These doctors, who had refused Caracalla’s request (threat?), likely grew extremely wary as their patient’s health deteriorated more by the day in the British climate.

Roman York (Eburacum), c. A.D. 210. Aerial reconstruction by Tracy Croft, English Heritage

To this point, we’ve discussed the people whom we know to have been present at the imperial court. In truth, however, there would have been many hundreds (thousands?) who were a part of the imperial machine and civil service who were present in Eburacum. After all, the Empire was being administered from there during that time.

There are also some other key players who may have been present.

It is quite possible that Julia Domna’s sister, Julia Maesa, may have been present. After her sister, Julia Maesa was perhaps one of the most influential of the ‘Syrian Woman’. She and her daughters, Julia Soaemias Bassiana and Julia Avita Mamaea (mother of later Emperor Severus Alexander) would be extremely influential in the years to come.

It would not be surprising if Julia Maesa were present at court, close to the heart of things. She was apparently close to Caracalla too, and this would have protected her and her daughters. She survived until A.D. 226.

Gold ‘aureus’ of Julia Maesa

With much of the government following the emperor, one has to wonder if there were not also a certain number of senators present in Eburacum as well.

If so, it is possible that Cassius Dio was there. As the primary, contemporary source for the reign of Septimius Severus, it would not be surprising if he were present in Britannia for at least a portion of the campaign.

How many Roman senators might have been present in Eburacum? Was Cassius Dio among them?

Then there is Caracalla’s wife, Plautilla, and her brother Plautius. Were they present? Or did Caracalla want to keep her as far from him as possible, as it was said that she was ever an annoyance to him in previous years.

If the names of Plautilla and Plautius are somewhat familiar to you, it may be that that is because they are the children of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, the traitorous Praetorian Prefect who was dispatched by Caracalla and others in a plot in A.D. 205, with Julia Domna no doubt working toward that end in the background.

As for his wife and brother-in-law, Cassius Dio said that Caracalla had them killed when to took power, but whether it was immediately, or upon his return to Rome is not stated.

Map of Roman Britain prior to reign of Severus (Wikimedia Commons)

Another person who may have been in Eburacum for much of the time, and who may have found his work partially hi-jacked by the presence of the imperial family and the administrations of Geta, was Gaius Junius Faustinus Postumianus. He was the provincial governor of Britannia Superior, based in Londinium.

Faustinus was an officer in the army previously, before being appointed governor. What did he think about the presence of the imperial court in Britannia, or the waging of war at the borders of his province? No doubt the situation brought him many benefits, but also many headaches, especially when Severus passed from the world.

Of one thing we can be certain, and that is that an imperial court was not a place for the faint of heart.

Who survived, and who fell? Did being close to Severus’ sun mean you would get burned, or thrive?

For a writer of historical fiction, these are interesting questions to be explored with different answers for each player in the drama.

If anything, life at the court of Severus in Eburacum would have been anything but dull, despite the fact that they were on the virtual edge of the Empire.

Thank you for reading.

Isle of the Blessed is now available in e-book and paperback from all major on-line retailers. If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for free by signing-up for the newsletter HERE.

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