Roman Britain

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The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part V – Mona: Rome and the Isle of Anglesey

Greetings, Readers and History-lovers!

Welcome back to The World of The Hearts of Heroes. We hope you’ve enjoyed the blog series thus far. A lot of research goes into every Eagles and Dragons series novel, and we’re thrilled to share it with you!

If you missed Part IV on Ffos Anoddun, the Fairy Glen of Wales, you can read that article by CLICKING HERE.

In Part V, we’re taking a look at another of the important settings in The Hearts of Heroes, a place of mystery, violence, and of exile in history, and in our story.

Join us as we explore the Isle of Anglesey and Rome’s involvement on the island…

Some of the known Romano-British sites on Anglesey

The Isle of Anglesey, or Ynys Môn as it is named in Welsh, is a large island off the northwest coast of Wales. It lies just across the Menai Strait which runs between the island and the mainland for approximately 24 kms from Caernarfon to Bangor. The island itself is roughly 33×36 kms, and also includes Holy Island just off its west coast.

To the Romans, Anglesey was simply known as ‘Mona’.

Today, the Isle of Anglesey is known mainly for tourism along its beautiful coastlines. It is also known for mining. But these two things belie the violent history of the island, a history that revolves mainly around the Romans.

The people who lived on pre-Roman Mona were thought to be part of the Ordovices tribe who inhabited central and northwestern Wales, including the mountainous region of Snowdonia. That said, those living on Mona, on the other side of the Menai Strait, may have considered themselves a separate tribe.

Bryn Celli Ddu burial chamber, pre-Roman, Anglesey (Wikimedia Commons)

Pre-Roman Anglesey had sacred groves of trees, burial chambers, cairns, standing stones, and sacred wells. There was also a copper mining and metalworking industry at Parys Mountain and places such as Llyn Cerrig Bach which some believe to have been a religious centre.

Religion appears to have been important on Anglesey, and one interesting find from different parts of the island are carved stone heads dotted with small holes. These are thought to have been used in religious rituals.

Most importantly, at least to history, Anglesey is thought to have been the religious power centre of the Druids in Britain.

When Rome began its invasion of Britannia in earnest under Emperor Claudius in A.D. 43, it was only a matter of time before the legions swept north and the fighting reached the tribes of Wales, including on Anglesey.

The Roman Attack on Anglesey – by John Harris Valda (Wikimedia Commons)

On the beach stood the adverse array, a serried mass of arms and men, with women flitting between the ranks. In the style of Furies, in robes of deathly black and with dishevelled hair, they brandished their torches; while a circle of Druids, lifting their hands to heaven and showering imprecations, struck the troops with such an awe at the extraordinary spectacle that, as though their limbs were paralyzed, they exposed their bodies to wounds without an attempt at movement. Then, reassured by their general, and inciting each other never to flinch before a band of females and fanatics, they charged behind the standards, cut down all who met them, and enveloped the enemy in his own flames. The next step was to install a garrison among the conquered population, and to demolish the groves consecrated to their savage cults: for they considered it a duty to consult their deities by means of human entrails. — While he was thus occupied, the sudden revolt of the province was announced to Suetonius.

(Tacitus, Annals, Book XIV)

There were two major Roman assaults on Mona. The first, described above by Tacitus, was led by Governor Gaius Suetonius Paulinus in A.D. 60. Paulinus’ assault included the XIV Gemina Martia Victrix legion, previously stationed at Viroconium, and auxiliary units of Batavian light infantry, Batavian horse, and other cavalry units.

Despite the differences between the fragmented and warring tribes of Britain at the time, Paulinus recognized the Druids, and the British religion which they represented and administered, as something the tribes could rally around. Druid priests, though supposedly elusive and less numerous than they had been in Gaul, were a source of strength for the Britons. They even educated the children of noble British families. Earlier on, the emperors Augusts and Claudius both passed edicts against Druidism because of its seditious nature.

As the religious centre of the Druids in Britain, Anglesey became a target for the Romans who may have believed it was at the heart of the British resistance.

Aerial view of the Menai Strait where the Romans likely crossed.

During the winter, the Romans built a fleet of flat-bottomed boats which they would use to take the troops across the Menai Strait that summer while the cavalry forded in the shallows and the light Batavian troops swam. It is believed that the Roman amphibious assault was met not only by the Ordovices, but also by warriors of the Decangli and Silures tribes who were waiting on the other side.

As can be seen in the quote from Tacitus above, what appears to have caused the superstitious Roman troops even more concern were the crazy women, dressed in black, with wild hair shrieking and waving torches, and the Druids with their arms raised as they called on their gods.

But Paulinus urged his men forward, despite their fear, and they cut through the Celts in a bloody massacre after which they burned the bodies. The Romans spread across Mona, rounding up the Druid priests and prisoners and burning the sacred groves where they believed human sacrifices had taken place.

Reconstruction of a Celtic ‘nemeton’, the sort of sanctuary or ‘sacred grove’ that might have existed on Anglesey

However, before the island could be fully subdued, and before the flames had cooled, Paulinus received dispatches from the mainland informing him of a major uprising.

Boudicca of the Iceni tribe had begun a rebellion.

Boudicca led her army against the Romans; for these chanced to be without a leader, inasmuch as Paulinus, their commander, had gone on an expedition to Mona, an island near Britain. This enabled her to sack and plunder two Roman cities, and, as I have said, to wreak indescribable slaughter. Those who were taken captive by the Britons were subjected to every known form of outrage. The worst and most bestial atrocity committed by their captors was the following. They hung up naked the noblest and most distinguished women and then cut off their breasts and sewed them to their mouths, in order to make the victims appear to be eating them; afterwards they impaled the women on sharp skewers run lengthwise through the entire body. All this they did to the accompaniment of sacrifices, banquets, and wanton behaviour, not only in all their other sacred places, but particularly in the grove of Andate. This was their name for Victory, and they regarded her with most exceptional reverence.

Now it chanced that Paulinus had already brought Mona to terms, and so on learning of the disaster in Britain he at once set sail thither from Mona. However, he was not willing to risk a conflict with the barbarians immediately, as he feared their numbers and their desperation, but was inclined to postpone battle to a more convenient season. But as he grew short of food and the barbarians pressed relentlessly upon him, he was compelled, contrary to his judgment, to engage them. Boudicca, at the head of an army of about 230,000 men, rode in a chariot herself and assigned the others to their several stations. Paulinus could not extend his line the whole length of hers, for, even if the men had been drawn up only one deep, they would not have reached far enough, so inferior were they in numbers; nor, on the other hand, did he dare join battle in a single compact force, for fear of being surrounded and cut to pieces. He therefore separated his army into three divisions, in order to fight at several points at one and the same time, and he made each of the divisions so strong that it could not easily be broken through.

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, LXII)

Artist impression of Boudicca and her daughters rallying the troops from her war chariot

We won’t go into all of the details of the Boudiccan rebellion here, suffice it to say that it was a bloody affair that saw the destruction of the Roman settlements of Camulodunum (Colchester), Verulamium (St. Alban’s), and Londinium (London).

Governor Paulinus, leaving a few cohorts behind on Mona, rushed from there to the fortress at Deva (Chester) and then marched down Watling Street with his XIVth legion men, as well as veterans of the XXth legion, including 2,500 evocati, 2,000 auxiliary infantry, and 500 cavalry. The Roman force met Boudicca’s along the Roman road…

At first, the legionaries stood motionless, keeping to the defile as a natural protection: then, when the closer advance of the enemy had enabled them to exhaust their missiles with certitude of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like formation. The auxiliaries charged in the same style; and the cavalry, with lances extended, broke a way through any parties of resolute men whom they encountered. The remainder took to flight, although escape was difficult, as the cordon of wagons had blocked the outlets. The troops gave no quarter even to the women: the baggage animals themselves had been speared and added to the pile of bodies. The glory won in the course of the day was remarkable, and equal to that of our older victories: for, by some accounts, little less than eighty thousand Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans killed and a not much greater number of wounded. Boudicca ended her days by poison…

(Tacitus, Annals, Book XIV)

Despite being massively outnumbered the Romans, under Paulinus’ command, were victorious. The rebellion, however, was not without cost. Something like 80,000 Roman citizens and allies were slain in a few weeks. After the victory, Suetonius Paulinus was recalled to Rome by Emperor Nero who granted him a triumph and later a consulship.

But that is not the end of the story for Mona.

Agricola – Statue at Roman Baths, Bath, England

The second Roman assault on the island of Mona came about seventeen years after the end of the Boudiccan rebellion, in the year A.D. 78, when Gnaeus Julius Agricola, an apprentice of Governor Paulinus, arrived as the new governor of the province.

This second campaign against the island was precipitated by the massacre of a Roman cavalry squadron by the Ordovices in the Snowdonia region. As the new governor, Agricola knew that he needed to make a statement and, though the campaigning season was nearly over, he decided to take decisive action.

Tacitus, who was actually Agricola’s son-in-law, describes the events:

…when Agricola arrived in the middle of summer; at a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the expeditions of the year were concluded, were thinking of enjoying themselves without care, and the natives, of seizing the opportunity thus afforded them. Not long before his arrival, the Ordovices had cut off almost an entire corps of cavalry stationed on their frontiers; and the inhabitants of the province being thrown into a state of anxious suspense by this beginning, inasmuch as war was what they wished for, either approved of the example, or waited to discover the disposition of the new governor. The season was now far advanced, the troops dispersed through the country, and possessed with the idea of being suffered to remain inactive during the rest of the year; circumstances which tended to retard and discourage any military enterprise; so that it was generally thought most advisable to be contented with defending the suspected posts: yet Agricola determined to march out and meet the approaching danger. For this purpose, he drew together the detachments from the legions, and a small body of auxiliaries; and when he perceived that the Ordovices would not venture to descend into the plain, he led an advanced party in person to the attack, in order to inspire the rest of his troops with equal ardor. The result of the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices; when Agricola, sensible that renown must be followed up, and that the future events of the war would be determined by the first success, resolved to make an attempt upon the island Mona, from the occupation of which Paullinus had been summoned by the general rebellion of Britain, as before related. The usual deficiency of an unforeseen expedition appearing in the want of transport vessels, the ability and resolution of the general were exerted to supply this defect. A select body of auxiliaries, disencumbered of their baggage, who were well acquainted with the fords, and accustomed, after the manner of their country, to direct their horses and manage their arms while swimming, were ordered suddenly to plunge into the channel; by which movement, the enemy, who expected the arrival of a fleet, and a formal invasion by sea, were struck with terror and astonishment, conceiving nothing arduous or insuperable to troops who thus advanced to the attack. They were therefore induced to sue for peace, and make a surrender of the island; an event which threw lustre on the name of Agricola, who, on the very entrance upon his province, had employed in toils and dangers that time which is usually devoted to ostentatious parade, and the compliments of office.

(Tacitus, The Life of Agricola, XVIII)

The final Roman conquest of Mona was complete.

After the Roman conquest, what did life look like for the Britons who survived and continued to inhabit the island of Mona?

Well, it seems that, apart from the distinct lack of an overt Druid presence (if any had survived, that is) life may have carried on much the same as it always had once things settled, with mining and small farmstead activities continuing under Roman military occupation. During the third and fourth centuries A.D., the Pax Romana settled on the land, across Mona and the rest of Britannia. A distinct Romano-British culture began to form.

Today, though there are Roman sites scattered all over mainland Wales, it is not so on the Isle of Anglesey. Archaeological excavations to date have revealed just a few sites.

Remains of Roman fortlet walls at Caer Gybi

At Caer Gybi, near Holyhead on Holy Island, the largest modern settlement on Anglesey, there was a Roman fortlet on a natural harbour there which was built c. A.D. 300. It had 4 m high walls and three circular towers, and measured about two-hundred and thirty by one-hundred and fifty feet. This may have been a base for Roman war ships and the construction coincides with the time of the Saxon Shore forts in the south of Britannia.

At Caer y Twr, on Holyhead Mountain, which was the highest point on Holy Island, there are the remains of a Roman signal station which, logically, served the fortlet and port at Caer Gybi.

Caer y Twr – Remains of the Roman watchtower on Holyhead Mountain

Another possible Roman sea port and fortlet is thought to have been located at Aberffraw in the southwest corner of Anglesey. This site dates to the first century A.D. and archaeology indicates two phases of occupation which may coincide with the two Roman assaults on Anglesey. There were ditches and Roman defences, but most of the remains are beneath the modern village. Roman pottery has also been found on the site.

Apart from these three sites, there are no other known Roman military sites on Anglesey. The island was, relatively speaking, not that large, and it was already served – or, overseen – by the cohort of five hundred men of the Cohors I Sunicorum stationed at Segontium on the other side of the Menai Strait at what is now Caernarfon. The garrison at Segontium was responsible for the security and defence of north Wales, especially against Irish raiders during the Pax Romana.

Artist impression of the fort of Segontium from the east, c. 250 A.D. (J. Banbury)

There is a bit more in the way of Romano-British remains on Anglesey. This hints at the life of the Ordovices who carried on with their lives during the period of Roman peace.

On the northeast coast of Anglesey, the fourth century A.D. settlement of Din Lligwy, whose occupation went back to the pre-Roman Iron Age, continued to be in use. This was a walled settlement on a low hill with good views all around. There are the remains of round and rectangular huts and a great deal of Roman pottery has been found on the site, as well as the remains of iron smelting and smithing activities which appear to have used coal from the mainland of Britannia. In addition to the smelting activities, farming was also carried out here.

Foundations of roundhouse:hut at Din Lligwy, Anglesey

On the southeast coast of Anglesey, not far from the magnificent Medieval castle of Beaumaris, is the ancient hillfort of Din Sylwy, also known as Bwrdd Arthur, or ‘Arthur’s Table’. This Iron Age hillfort was occupied by the Ordovices long before the Romans came and played, it is supposed, a role in the Roman assaults on Anglesey. It has an area of about seven hectares and was surrounded by a limestone wall with two gates or entrances.

What is interesting about Din Sylwy is it’s association with the legendary British freedom fighter, ’Arthur’, whom we have come to know as ‘King Arthur’. Local lore has it that Arthur met at this roughly round site with his men, or that he had fought there.

Din Sylwy – Bwrdd Arthur (‘Arthur’s Table’)

A large Romano-British settlement known as Ty-Mawr was located at Holyhead on Holy Island, below the Roman signal station at Caer y Twr. This site contained the remains of about twenty circular Iron Age huts, though there may have been as many as fifty. It is one of the best preserved hut groups in all of Wales and was occupied into the third and fourth centuries A.D. Some of the huts or roundhouses may have been as much as ten meters wide. Finds at Ty-Mawr included items of daily life such as quern stones for grinding grain, spindles, mortars, pottery, and coins. Also found there was copper from the mines at Parys Mountain on Anglesey.

Foundations of Celtic Iron Age huts:roundhouses at Ty-Mawr

Lastly, we have the copper mines at Parys Mountain, or ‘Trysclwyn’ as it was originally known.

These mines are thought to have been in use for up to four thousand years and been of great import to the British Bronze Age. Some even suppose that the mining operations at Parys Mountain may have helped to finance the Druids and their resistance to the Roman invasion.

Parys Mountain Mines, Isle of Anglesey

After the Roman invasion, the copper mines at Parys Mountain continued to be used with the copper being shipped to smaller villages on Anglesey where it was smelted before being transported to ports such as Aberffraw to go to the mainland. One Roman-era copper ingot or ‘cake’ was found stamped with ‘SOCIO-ROMAE-NATSOL’, presumed to be an official stamp of the Roman copper trade on Mona.

If the Romans remained interested in Mona after the invasion, the copper mines were no doubt one of the main reasons.

Roman-era copper ingot or ‘cake’ with official stamp of the Roman copper trade on Mona.

In The Hearts of Heroes, the Isle of Anglesey, Roman Mona, provides the setting for some of the story which takes place in the year A.D. 229. At this time, the fortress at Segontium would have been there for almost two hundred years, the Ordovices would have recovered from the violence of Rome’s initial assaults on the island, and life would have settled into the Pax Romana.

This was a cycle that was common throughout the history of Rome as it expanded, violent beginnings leading to periods of peace and prosperity.

Traeth Bychan – ‘The Traeth’, site of homestead of Killian in The Hearts of Heroes

The people of Mona, however, like the rest of Britannia, were left to their own devices when Rome, under Emperor Honorius, pulled out of the province in the fourth century. The people of Mona continued to mine and to farm, but they were also faced with an increase in Irish raids without the protection of Rome.

It was not until the arrival of Cunedda ap Edern, Lord of the Gododdin, the descendants of the Votadini, that the Irish were driven out for good.

And so, the history of Anglesey continued in a cycle of blood and peace, its ebb and flow like the sparkling sea that surrounded it.

Thank you for reading.

We hope you’ve enjoyed this article about Rome and the Isle of Anglesey.

Tune in for Part VI in The World of The Hearts of Heroes when we will be looking at the the famed Lady Chapel of Glastonbury Abbey.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

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If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles.

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The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part III – Feast Days: Seasonal Celebrations of the Ancient Celts

Welcome back to The World of The Hearts of Heroes! 

We hope that you’ve enjoyed this blog series so far. If you missed Part II on the Romano British civitas of Viroconium Cornoviorum, you can read that by CLICKING HERE.

In Part III, we’re going to take a look at the seasonal celebrations of one the most important, fascinating, and culturally rich groups in ancient Europe and the British Isles: the Celts.

As we shall see, many pagan Celtic traditions survived the coming of Rome and the subsequent conversion to Christianity. We’ll discuss classical writers’ views of the Celts, explore Celtic myth, and look at the four great festivals that continue to be celebrated to this day.

Artist impression of Celtic peoples of Europe and Britain – by Albert Kretschmer, painters and costumer to the Royal Court Theatre, Berin, and Dr. Carl Rohrbach. – Costumes of All Nations (1882)

The history and archaeology of the cultural group we call the ‘Celts’ has always been fascinating to me, not least because of its wonderful mythology, but also because of the role it plays in Arthurian legend and literature. As the Eagles and Dragons series has progressed, many fans have noted the breadcrumbs of Celtic and Arthurian images and themes emerging in the world of the Roman Empire that has dominated the series to this point.

In The Hearts of Heroes, Greco-Roman and Celtic religious beliefs have always played a large role in the story and, in this latest novel, some of the key moments take place during the important festivals of Beltane and Samhain.

There were, in fact, four major seasonal festivals celebrated by the ancient Celts, especially in the British Isles. These were Imbolc, Beltane, Lughnasadh, and Samhain.

What were these ancient festivals? What did the Celts do at that time of year, and how did they celebrate? We’ll take brief look at each of them in turn.

Gilt bronze head of Sulis Minerva from Bath. The Romano-British Goddess that combined Minerva with Sulis, Celtic Goddess of Wisdom and Decisions

Before we dive into the specifics of the festivals themselves, let’s discuss the ‘Celts’. Who were they? What set them apart, and how did so much of their culture survive?

‘Celts’, very simply put, is actually a broad term given to the ancient peoples of pagan beliefs in Europe and the British Isles from about 700 B.C. to A.D. 400. They thrived in much of Europe north of the Alps, but also moved south to the Mediterranean, sacking Rome in 387 B.C. and plundering the sanctuary of Delphi in 279 B.C. As Rome pushed back against the migrating Celts, defeating them heavily in Gaul, the last strongholds for these peoples became what we know today as Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as Cornwall and Brittany.

As Rome’s legions conquered Britannia, however, Celtic culture and religion were not completely snuffed out. In fact, a unique Romano-British culture emerged that was an amalgam of the two sides, and it thrived once the Pax Romana had settled over Britannia.

Vercingetorix Throws Down his Arms at the Feet of Julius Caesar (Lionel Royer 1899)

The nation of all the Gauls is extremely devoted to superstitious rites; and on that account they who are troubled with unusually severe diseases, and they who are engaged in battles and dangers, either sacrifice men as victims, or vow that they will sacrifice them, and employ the Druids as the performers of those sacrifices; because they think that unless the life of a man be offered for the life of a man, the mind of the immortal gods can not be rendered propitious, and they have sacrifices of that kind ordained for national purposes. Others have figures of vast size, the limbs of which formed of osiers they fill with living men, which being set on fire, the men perish enveloped in the flames. They consider that the oblation of such as have been taken in theft, or in robbery, or any other offence, is more acceptable to the immortal gods; but when a supply of that class is wanting, they have recourse to the oblation of even the innocent.

(Gaius Julius Caesar, The Gallic War, Book VI, 16)

Much of what we know about the Celts comes from classical writers such as Julius Caesar (above), or references by such ancient Greek authors as Herodotus and Hecataeus of Miletus, or later Roman authors like Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Lucan, and Cassius Dio. Some of these authors wrote about the customs and religion of the ancient Celts, but admittedly, it was more often from their point of view as a more ‘civilized’ society. Though there is still much to be gleaned from these texts, it is important to keep in mind that, as in the case of Caesar’s memoir of the conquest of Gaul, he may have sensationalized the Celtic people, the Druids, and their barbarian rituals to enhance his own actions and achievements.

History is often written by the victors, after all.

That said, classical authors are not our only source for knowledge about the Celts, not even remotely. Archaeology and material culture have been a wealth of knowledge for us, as have the rich linguistic legacies Celtic language and literature. It is the literature of early Medieval Wales and Ireland that is, perhaps, one of the greatest sources of our knowledge about the Celts, their society, religion, and mythology.

The combination of all of these sources help to point a rather vivid picture of the Celts and their beliefs, including shared themes of water rituals, head-hunting, otherworldly feasting, the religious significance of cauldrons, the sanctity of the number ‘3’ and more.

The Gundestrup cauldron is a silver vessel dated from between 200 BC and 300 AD. it’s the largest known example of European Iron Age silver work. Now in the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen.

When it came to religious beliefs, one might think that Christianity would have wiped out all traces of pagan Celtic beliefs.

But that is not so.

While Celtic beliefs seem to have melded nicely, post-conquest, with those of their Roman conquerors (the Goddess Epona is a perfect example of this), the subsequent Christianization of the Celts appears to have also been something of a smooth transition with Celtic monks copying and Christianizing ancient pagan tales such as the Táin Bó Cúailnge and four branches of The Mabinogi. Celtic gods also survived by donning the robes of Christian Saints.

The religion of the pagan Celtic world survived not only in the literature that was passed on, but also in the seasonal festivals of the Celts that continue to be celebrated to this day. It is through these seasonal festivals that we can glimpse the beliefs and rituals of an ancient pagan, Celtic past.

The Tuatha Dé Danann as depicted in John Duncan’s Riders of the Sidhe (1911)

All over Europe the peasants have been accustomed from time immemorial to kindle bonfires or certain days of the year, and to dance round or leap over them. Customs of this kind can be traced back on historical evidence to the Middle Ages, and their analogy to similar customs observed in antiquity goes with strong internal evidence to prove that their origin must be sought in a period long before the spread of Christianity…

…The seasons of the year when these bonfires are most commonly lit are spring and midsummer; but in some places they are kindled also at the end of autumn or during the course of the winter…

(Sir James Frazer, The Golden Bough, LXII)

Water and fire were both important aspects of the seasonal festivals of the Celts. Sir James Frazer was correct in highlighting the importance of fire in festivals. Fire was equated with the sun and was its terrestrial element symbolizing warmth and illumination, venerated for its purifying and cleansing qualities.

Like the Greeks and Romans, there were many festivals throughout the year for the Celts. The difference however was that Celtic religion, though honouring the gods, also honoured nature and the cycles of nature, perhaps in a more fulsome way that the Greeks and Romans.

The four main seasonal festivals of the Celts (Imbolc, Beltane, Lughnasadh, and Samhain), what we know about them, and how they are celebrated to this day, illustrate this…

Painting of Saint Brigid with a bowl of fire, a spindle, and a cow in St. Patrick’s Chapel, Glastonbury Abbey.

IMBOLC

The ancient festival of Imbolc was held on February 1st of ever year. It marked the beginning of Spring and was associated with the lambing season.

After a long winter during which food stores were depleted, the lambing season did not only symbolize brith and fertility in the springtime. It also meant the arrival of fresh milk after the winter shortage.

In addition to being a festival of renewal and rebirth, Imbolc was also a purification festival, similar to Lupercalia in Ancient Rome.

This Celtic festival appears to have been celebrated mostly in Ireland, though it was also celebrated in Scotland, and other areas. And some tombs across the land, such as the Mound of Hostages at Tara in Ireland are aligned to be illuminated by the sunrise on the morning of Imbolc.

The strongest association of this festival was with the Irish Goddess Brigid who, in myth, was one of the Tuatha De Danann, the supernatural race who are descended from the Goddess Danu in Irish mythology.

Brigid is one of those special figures from Irish myth who survived the Christianization of the land and culture. The Goddess Brigid joined with St. Brigid of Kildare, the mother saint of Ireland who founded the Abbey of Kildare in around A.D. 480.

The festival of Imbolc on Feburary 1st thus became the feast day of St. Brigid.

Saint Brigid’s cross, made from rushes from County Down. (Wikimedia Commons)

During the festival of Imbolc, there were certain traditions that took place, including visits to holy wells, eating special meats, holding feasts and, it is also supposed, the ritual washing of the hands, feet, and head.

The most iconic symbol of this day has become the Brigid cross which symbolized her early medieval role as the Abbess of Kildare. At Imbolc, people would weave Brigid crosses which were equilateral crosses made with rushes that were then hung above doors and windows for protection. Some traditions also saw people making a bed for Brigid in their homes on the eve of Imbolc, leaving her food and drink as well.

Artistic impression of men, women and livestock passing between sacred bonfires at Beltane.

BELTANE

In the Central Highlands of Scotland bonfires, known as the Beltane fires, were formerly kindled with great ceremony on the first of May, and the traces of human sacrifices at them were particularly clean and unequivocal. The custom of lighting the bonfires lasted in various places far into the eighteenth century…

…Like the other public worship of the Druids, the Beltane feast seems to have been performed on hills or eminences. They thought it degrading to him whose temple is the universe, to suppose that he would dwell in any house made with hands. Their sacrifices were therefore offered in the open air…where they were presented with the grandest views of nature, and were nearest the seat of warmth and order…

…After kindling the bonfire with the tein-eigin [a ‘need fire’ started by friction] the company prepared their victuals. And as soon as they had finished their meal, they amused themselves a while in singing and dancing round the fire.

(Sir James Frazer, The Golden Bough, LXII)

May 1st, or ‘May Day’, marked the beginning of the summer season, and Beltane was the Celtic fire festival that celebrated this.

This festival celebrated the leading of the herds to their summer pastures and included rituals to protect and purify people and cattle by having them pass between sacred bonfires. The ashes from these fires were then gathered and spread over crops for protection, but also to encourage growth.

Feasting and drinking and visits to holy wells were also a big part of Beltane celebrations, as were sacred flowers such as hawthorn, primrose, rowan, gorse, hazel, and marsh marigold. Flowers were placed over doorways, on animals, and on food for protection, so as not to be stolen by the fairy folk.

Queen Guinevere’s Maying, by John Collier

In addition to being a springtime festival of fertility and fire, Beltane was a liminal festival like Samhain, when the veil between the world and the spirit world was thinnest.

Into the modern era, a May Queen and Green Man were appointed during the festivities, and May Poles decorated with flowers and ribbons – a supposed symbol of fertility – were erected and danced around by young men and women crowned with flowers.

LUGHNASADH

The festival of Lughnasadh, which began on August 1st, was a sacred festival to mark the beginning of the harvest season. It took place half way between the Summer Solstice and the Autumn Equinox.

Lughnasadh, also know as Gwyl Awst in Welsh, was named after the Celtic God, Lugh, a member of the Tuatha De Danann, who was a king and master craftsmen who is associated with oaths, truth, and law or rightful kingship.

In Celtic myth, Lugh founded the festival as funeral games for a goddess – perhaps the Goddess Tailtin – who died after clearing Ireland’s plains for agriculture.

The myth and festival commemorate a sort of mourning or ‘wake’ for the end of Summer. There are parallels to the Persephone myth here, in addition the Romans’ association of Lugh with the God Mercury.

They [the Celts] worship as their divinity, Mercury in particular, and have many images of him, and regard him as the inventor of all arts, they consider him the guide of their journeys and marches, and believe him to have great influence over the acquisition of gain and mercantile transactions.

(Gaius Julius Caesar, The Gallic War, Book VI, 17)

Illustration of Lugh’s magic spear by Harold Robert Millar

In Irish myth, Lugh is the father of the hero, Cuchulainn, in the Táin Bó Cúailnge. When his son is wounded in battle, Lugh appears to help heal him:

“A single man here cometh towards us now,” cried Laeg. “But what manner of man is he?” Cuchulainn asked. “Not hard to say,” Laeg made answer. “A great, well-favoured man, then. Broad, close-shorn hair upon him, and yellow and curly his back hair. A green mantle wrapped around him. A brooch of white silver in the mantle over his breast. A kirtle of silk fit for a king, with red interweaving of ruddy gold he wears trussed up on his fair skin and reaching down to his knees. A great one-edged sword in his hand. A black shield with hard rim of silvered bronze thereon. A five-barbed spear in his hand. A pronged bye-spear beside it. Marvellous, in sooth, the feats and the sport and the play that he makes. But him no one heeds, nor gives he heed to any one. No one shows him courtesy nor does he show courtesy to any one, like as if none saw him in the camp of the four grand provinces of Erin.” “In sooth, O fosterling,” answered Cuchulainn, “it is one of my friends of fairy kin that comes to take pity upon me, because they know the great distress wherein I am now all alone against the four grand provinces of Erin on the Plunder of the Kine of Cuailnge, killing a man on the ford each day and fifty each night, for the men of Erin grant me not fair fight nor the terms of single combat from noon of each day.”

Now in this, Cuchulainn spoke truth. When the young warrior was come up to Cuchulainn he bespoke him and condoled with him or the greatness of his toil and the length of time he had passed without sleep.”This is brave of thee, O Cuchulainn,” quoth he. “It is not much, at all,” replied Cuchulainn. “But I will bring thee help,” said the young warrior. “Who then art thou?” asked Cuchulainn. “Thy father from Faery am I, even Lug son of Ethliu.” “Yea, heavy are the bloody wounds upon me; let thy healing be speedy.” “Sleep then awhile, O Cuchulainn,” said the young warrior, “thy heavy fit of sleep by Ferta in Lerga till the end of three days and three nights and I will oppose the hosts during that time.” He examined each wound so that it became clean. Then he sang him the ‘men’s low strain’ till Cuchulainn fell asleep withal. It was then Lug recited the Spell-chant of Lug.

Accordingly Cuchulainn slept his heavy fit of sleep at ‘the Gravemound on the Slopes’ till the end of three days and three nights. And well he might sleep. Yet as great as was his sleep, even so great was his weariness. For from the Monday before Samhain even to the Wednesday after Spring-beginning, Cuchulainn slept not for all that space, except for a brief snatch after mid-day, leaning against his spear, and his head on his fist, and his fist clasping his spear, and his spear on his knee, but hewing and cutting, slaying and destroying four of the five grand provinces of Erin during that time.

Then it was that the warrior from Faery [Lugh] laid plants from the fairy-rath and healing herbs and put a healing charm into the cuts and stabs, into the sores and gaping wounds of Cuchulainn, so that Cuchulainn recovered during his sleep without ever perceiving it.

(Táin Bó Cúailnge, trans. Joseph Dunn)

“Cuchulain in Battle”, illustration by J. C. Leyendecker in T. W. Rolleston’s Myths & Legends of the Celtic Race, 1911

There were many rituals involved in the festivities of Lughnasadh. These included a feast, the sacrifice of a bull, ritual dances, visits to holy wells, and the offering of ‘first fruits’ to the gods, especially bilberries.

With its possible origins as funeral games founded by Lugh, the festivities, especially in the Middle Ages, also involved athletic competitions, horse racing, mock battles with sticks, music and storytelling, trading, dispute settlement, and even match-making. A truce was also declared during the time of Lughnasadh.

SAMHAIN

…it remains to give some account of the corresponding festival of Hallowe’en [Samhain], which announced the arrival of winter.

Of the two feasts [Beltane and Samhain] Hallowe’en was perhaps of old the more important, since the Celts would seem to have dated the beginning of the year from it rather than from Beltane…

…Another circumstance of great moment which points to the same conclusion is the association of the dead with Hallowe’en. Not only among the Celts but throughout Europe, Hallowe’en, the night which marks the transition from autumn to winter, seems to have been of old the time of year when the souls of the departed were supposed to revisit their old homes in order to warm themselves by the fire and to comfort themselves with the good cheer provided for them in the kitchen or the parlour by their affectionate kinsfolk…

…But it is not only the souls of the departed who are supposed to be hovering unseen on the day “when autumn to winter resigns the pale year.” Witches then speed on their errands of mischief, some sweeping through the air on besoms, others galloping along the roads on tabby-cats, which for that evening are turned into coal-black steeds. The fairies too are all let loose, and hobgoblins of every sort roam freely about.

(Sir James Frazer, The Golden Bough, LXII)

The last and perhaps most important of the seasonal Celtic festivals, as implied by Sir James Frazer above, is Samhain, the precursor of our modern Halloween and All Souls Day.

Glastonbury Tor – One of the gateways to Annwn, the Celtic Otherworld

Samhain features large in The Hearts of Heroes as it has in other books in the Eagles and Dragons series. It is the other liminal festival of the Celtic calendar when the veil between worlds is most thin and when, as Frazer points out, the dead come to walk among the living.

Samhain, which took place on October 31st and November 1st, was a time of danger and vulnerability, a boundary time when the old year died and the new year began. It was, scholars believe, the pagan Celtic New Year in ancient times.

It was at Samhain, the official beginning of winter, that the animals, especially cattle, were brought down from their summer pastures, some for slaughter and some for breeding.

Burial mounds were opened and people paid their respects to the dead who were able to come into their world from the Otherworld because the veil was thin. Contact with the Otherworld was common in Celtic religion and, for this reason, bonfires were lit on hilltops for protection and for cleansing.

Spirits and fairies were offered food and drink to ensure the survival of the people and their livestock over the coming winter. Sir James Frazer believed that Samhain and Beltane, especially of the seasonal festivals, where particular to herding communities who practiced ‘transhumance’, the seasonal moving of livestock from summer to winter pastures.

Apples and hazelnuts were important in Samhain celebrations as well. Apples were associated with the Celtic Otherworld and immortality, and apple peels were offered to the fires. Hazelnuts were associated with divine wisdom.

And, of course, mumming and guising were a tradition at Samhain in the early modern period, this tradition being a precursor of putting on costumes at Halloween.

In Ireland, Samhain was the time when the five provinces gathered at Tara for the great assemblies. In the Táin Bó Cúailnge, it was also when the invasion of Ulster began.

Perhaps the strongest pagan association with Samhain related to the dead is the Wild Hunt which was led by Gwyn ap Nudd, the Lord of Annwn, the Celtic Otherworld.

Artist impression of Gwyn ap Nudd hunting with his otherworldly hounds.

Gwyddneu:
For thou hast given me protection;
How warmly wert thou welcomed!
The hero of hosts, from what region thou comest?

[Gwyn ap Nudd is asked which region is he from. Gwyn does not answer directly]

Gwyn ap Nudd:
I come from battle and conflict
With a shield in my hand;
Many is the broken helmet pierced by the spears.

Gwyddneu:

I will address thee, exalted man,
With his shield in distress;
Brave man, what is thy descent?

[Gwyddneu (ruler of the sunken kingdom of Cantre’r Gwaelod) now asks about Gwyn ap Nudd’s family]

Gwyn ap Nudd:
Carngrwn [Round-hoofed] is my horse, the torment of battle,
Fairy am I called, Gwyn the son of Nudd,
The lover of Creudilad, the daughter of Llud.

Gwyddneu:
Since it is thou, Gwyn, an upright man,
From thee there is no concealing;
I also am Gwydneu Garanhir.

[Gwyn ap Nudd’s horse is becoming impatient and wants to return to Tawë in Annwn]

Gwyn ap Nudd:
He will not leave me in a parley with thee,
By the bridle, as is becoming;
But will hasten away to his home on the Tawë .

It is not the nearest Tawë I speak of to thee,
But the furthest Tawë
Eagle! I will cause the furious sea to ebb.

Polished is my ring, golden my saddle and bright
To my sadness
I saw a conflict before Caer Vandwy.

Before Caer Vandwy a host I saw,
Shields were shattered and ribs broken
Renowned and splendid was he who made the assault.

Gwyddneu:
Gwyn ab Nud, the hope of armies,
Sooner would legions fall before the hoofs
Of thy horses, than broken rushes to the ground.

Gwyn:
Handsome my dog and round-bodied,
And truly the best of dogs;
Dormach was he, which belonged to Maelgwn.

Gwyddneu:
Dormach with the ruddy nose! what a gazer
Thou art upon me! because I notice
Thy wanderings on Gwibir Vynyd.

Gwyn:
I have been in the place where was killed Gwendoleu,
The son of Ceidaw, the pillar of songs,
When the ravens screamed over blood.

I have been in the place where Bran was killed,
The son of Gweryd, of far-extending fame,
When the ravens of the battle-field screamed.

I have been where Llachau was slain,
The son of Arthur, extolled in songs,
When the ravens screamed over blood.

I have been where Meurig was killed,
The son of Carreian, of honourable fame,
When the ravens screamed over flesh.

I have been where Gwallawg was killed,
The son of Goholeth, the accomplished,
The resister of Lloegyr, the son of Lleynawg.

I have been where the soldiers of Prydain

[Britain] were slain,
From the East to the North;
I am alive, they in their graves!

I have been where the soldiers of Prydain

[Britain] were slain,
From the East to the South
I am alive, they in death!

(The Dialogue of Gwyn ap Nudd and Gwyddno Garanhir, The Black Book of Carmarthen XXXIII)

The Wild Hunt (1872) by Peter Nicolai Arbo

Mainly at Samhain, but also at other liminal times of the year, Gwyn ap Nudd, the Lord of Annwn, a sort of ‘King of the Fairies’, rode out on his magical horse with his white, otherworldly hounds with white-tipped ears to lead the dead in the Wild Hunt.

In later traditions, Gwyn ap Nudd was replaced by others, including King Arthur, as leader of the Wild Hunt at Samhain. In the 19th century, there were reports that locals had seen the king’s ghost riding with his hounds at South Cadbury Castle, in Somerset.

For fans of the Eagles and Dragons series, Gwyn ap Nudd, the Lord of Annwn, is a terrifying figure who has appeared before, and will appear again…

Just as our modern New Years is today, Samhain, the New Year’s festival of the ancient Celts, was at once both a sombre and joyous celebration. As a time of great spiritual energy in the world, when gods visited men, shapeshifters and spirits roamed the land, and all manner of supernatural beings crossed the veil between worlds, Samhain was one of the most important times of year on the Celtic calendar. It was a time to honour the gods and the dead, a time of fear, but also a time of gratitude.

Thank you for reading.

We hope you’ve enjoyed this article about the seasonal festivals of the ancient Celts.

Tune in for Part IV in The World of The Hearts of Heroes when we will be visiting one of the settings in the novel, ‘The Fairy Glen’ at Betws-y-Coed on the eastern edge of the ruggedly beautiful region of Snowdonia in Wales.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

CLICK HERE to buy a copy and get ISBN#s for the edition of your choice.

If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles.

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The World of The Hearts of Heroes – Part II – Viroconium Cornoviorum: Civitas of Roman Britain

Salvete readers and history-lovers!

Welcome back to The World of The Hearts of Heroes in which we are taking a brief look at the research for the seventh book in the Eagles and Dragons series set in the Roman Empire.

In Part I, we looked at the life and work of the historian, Cassius Dio, who is the main source for the Severan period. If you missed that post, you can read it by clicking HERE.

In Part II, we’re going to be taking a brief look at one of the settings in The Hearts of Heroes, the Roman civitas of Viroconium Cornoviorum, at modern Wroxeter in England.

Roman ruins at Viroconium Cornoviorum; photograph 1859 (Wikimedia Commons)

Britain is a land that is packed with Roman remains from one end to the other. There are roads, villas, baths, walls, towers, fortlets and legionary fortresses and more. And there are cities. Well, the remains of them, anyway.

In Roman Britain there were, more or less, twenty civitates, the formal administrative districts with large settlements at their heart. These evolved into cities or towns.

Viroconium Cornoviorum was, at its height, the fourth largest civitas in the province of Britannia.

Viroconium Cornoviorum (Ordnance Survey Map of Roman Britain)

I first visited Viroconium (Wroxeter Roman City), which is about five miles from Shrewsbury, in the year 2000 when doing research on archaeological sites linked to the Arthurian period of sub-Roman Britain (more on that later). I was awed by the massive remains of the great bathhouse and fascinated by the reconstructed Roman townhouse as I strolled the grounds in a quiet and sunny green field along the River Severn.

It was much quieter then than it would have been at its peak. I knew for certain that, after the research for my dissertation, the site would someday end up in one of my novels.

But how did that Roman city come to be? Why was it so important? How was it that that silent, sun-kissed field I visited near the border of England and Wales had been one of the busiest places in Roman Britain?

Roads in Roman Britain (Wikimedia Commons) – with Viroconium shown

Viroconium Cornoviorum is located on a site overlooking a ford of the River Severn. It has good views in all directions. It was located at the western terminus of Wattling Street, one of the major roads of Roman Britain which ran all the way from the port of Dubris (Dover) to southeast. It was also on the route between the legionary fortresses of Deva (Chester) to the north, and Isca (Caerleon) and Glevum (Gloucester) to the south.

Strategically and economically, this was an important location.

Viroconium Cornoviorum was located in the lands of the Cornovii tribe whose tribal capital was at a nearby hillfort known as ‘The Wrekin’. It did not, however, begin as a city. Like other civitates in Roman Britain, it had military origins.

Viroconium was first established in the early years of the Roman conquest of Britain, which began in A.D. 43 under Emperor Claudius, as a frontier outpost guarding a crossing of the River Severn. As the invasion advanced northward, Viroconium became a forty-acre legionary fortress, built between A.D. 52-57.

The first legion to build, and be based at, Viroconium was the famed XIV Gemina Martia Victrix first established by Julius Caesar in 57 B.C. This legion took part in the invasion of Britain in A.D. 43, the assault on the Isle of Anglesey in A.D. 60, and played a major role in putting down the Boudiccan Revolt in A.D. 60-61.

When the XIVth legion’s work was finished, Viroconium was garrisoned by the XX Valeria Victrix legion which had also taken part in the invasion of Britain in A.D. 43. This legion was based there from about A.D. 59-90 before it moved to quarters at the fortress of Deva (Chester).

Viroconium remained under military rule from A.D. 47 until A.D. 90.

As frequently happened, a civilian settlement, a vicus, grew up around the fortress. This settlement included canabae, which literally means ‘booths’, and this referred to the stalls where soldiers could get food, drink, and sex.

Viroconium was starting to transition into a city, a hub of activity on the burgeoning road network that was spreading out across Britannia.

Plan of the Legionary Fortress at Viroconium c. A.D. 57-90 (from

As the front lines moved farther north, and Viroconium found itself safer, it transitioned smoothly from military to civilian life. The military defences were torn down when the army left, but the grid of the fortress remained. New roads were created and extended beyond the walls to encompass the growing city. The population fluctuated, and the city grew and, eventually, it became the fourth largest city in Roman Britain with the former via Principalis of the fortress becoming the main thoroughfare and heart of the new city.

It also became an important trading centre, largely due to its location at the intersection of two major routes, and grew to cover an area of about 180 acres.

But if Viroconium covered such a vast area of land, how is it that so little can be seen today? It appears more like a country setting than a former Roman metropolis.

Archaeologists have concluded that of the 180 acres occupied by Viroconium, only about 3 of those were covered by grand public buildings and, of those, about eighty percent has been excavated.

Stages of Viroconium Cornoviorum from c. A.D. 57 to c. A.D. 500 (from Wroxeter: Life & Death of A Roman City; White and Barker) – the bottom left (c. A.D. 150-500) is Viroconium in The Hearts of Heroes.

Viroconium Cornoviorum really experienced a boom when, in A.D. 122 Emperor Hadrian visited the city and ordered the building of a massive forum, as well as baths and a basilica. Some historians believe he showed an interest in Viroconium because it was the westernmost civitas of the Empire.

The structures which Hadrian had built in Viroconium brought increased trade and activity to the city with the new forum serving as the tribal administrative centre, judiciary, and market of Viroconium Cornoviorum. This was built on the site of the former principia, the legionary headquarters building.

There was also a long colonnade built along the main road, which was Watling Street, with the great bathhouse opposite on the other side of the street. This bathhouse is in addition to the earlier, unfinished bathhouse which lay beneath part of the new forum.

As far as civilian settlement, archaeologists have discovered the remains of two later insulae, apartment-like structures, as well as a mansio which was a sort of hotel and supply station along Watling street for off duty soldiers, couriers etc.

Artist Impression of the Forum of Viroconium Cornoviorum (English Heritage)

Civilian houses have also been found in Viroconium which have narrow entrances fronting onto main streets, but which are long. These are presumed to be the houses of craftsmen and artisans with stores or workshops on the ground floor (they discovered raw materials for their trades) and family living accommodation on the upper floor.

But it is the grand public buildings that really stand out at Viroconium, and this civic centre straddled either side of Watling street. It is no wonder that it became the fourth largest civitas in Britannia, for it had a forum, baths, a basilica, a water supply, roads, the colonnade for shelter, and public temples.

The bath and basilica complex, in addition to the regular rooms of a public bath, also had a 74 meter pool and palaestra, a large exercise ground.

Artist Impression of public baths and main thoroughfare (English Heritage)

The forum, which was the first major public building built at Viroconium Cornoviorum was very large with a courtyard that was 74×64 meters surrounded by a colonnade with shops and offices on one side, and the basilica on the other side. This was the commercial, administrative, and judicial centre of the city. The forum was also home to the sacellum (shrine), the curia (council chamber), aerarium (treasury), and the tabularium (records office).

In addition to the main forum, Viroconium also had a forum boarium, a livestock market. This would have meant that livestock farmers would have come from miles around to buy and sell their stock, contributing to the economic success of the city.

When it comes to the temples and shrines, in addition to some small ones to local deities, the remains that archaeologists have discovered indicate some small scale temples to Jupiter and to Venus or Epona. There may also have been some dedicated to Vesta and Mithras.

Artist Impression of Viroconium Cornoviorum at its peak, aerial view toward the southeast (English Heritage)

Prosperity and peace lasted for well over two hundred years for the people of Viroconium Cornoviorum once the Pax Romana had settled on Britannia. But, as history tells us, most things come to an end.

In A.D. 383 when Magnus Maximus set out for Gaul with his troops to make his play for the imperial throne, the Cornovii, and Viroconium itself, may have come under attack by Picts from the north or the Irish from across the sea. Saxon invasions had also begun to the southeast until finally, in A.D. 410, Emperor Honorius supposedly wrote to the Britons to tell them to see to their own defences. Rome was leaving.

This was the start of the sub-Roman period in Britain, also commonly referred to as the ‘Dark Ages’.

The Pillar of Eliseg, Denbighshire, Wales

It was at this time that archaeology shows a strengthening of Viroconium’s defences, and an increased military presence. Viroconium Cornoviorum transitioned into the capitol of the Kingdom of Powys after Rome’s departure.

The basilica and parts of the former baths were still in use, with simpler wattle constructions built on top. There were, it is believed, some public buildings, but the grandest structure appears to have been a private residence or palace built into the former Roman structures.

Enter the ‘Arthurian’ connection.

This private residence or palace at Viroconium, once the fourth largest city in Roman Britain, was built and lived in by the new ‘tyrant’ or ruler of Powys. One very strong theory is that this man was none other than the Vortigern of Arthurian legend whose name is inscribed on the Pillar of Eliseg, just across the border in Wales.

The Pillar of Eliseg, ancient monument to the Kings of Powys, references both the Roman past and Vortigern by name:

Side by side translation of the inscription on the Pillar of Eliseg (Wikimedia Commons)

This last bit of history from Viroconium’s legendary past is what brought me to the site, but little did I know that it opened the door to an understanding of one of the greatest cities of Roman Britain.

In studying Rome, and sites like Viroconium Cornoviorum, it strikes me how fleeting the greatness of cities and civilizations can be, how longevity cannot be taken for granted. That is one of the tragic lessons the Roman Empire has to teach us.

A once great city that was filled with life and vitality, that experienced economic prosperity, and had a thriving population that enjoyed over two hundred years of peace can, in the end, be transformed back into a quiet green field beside a river.

Carpe Diem, folks. Carpe Diem.

Thank you for reading.

If you are interested in reading more about the history and archaeology of Viroconium, I highly recommend the book Wroxeter: Life & Death of a Roman City by Roger White and Philip Barker. You can get a copy of that book by CLICKING HERE.

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire is available ebook, paperback and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, independent bookstores, brick and mortar chains, and your local public library.

CLICK HERE to buy a copy and get ISBN#s for the edition of your choice.

If you are new to the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series, you can start your epic adventure with the award-winning, #1 bestselling prequel, A Dragon among the Eagles.

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New Release! – Eagles and Dragons – Book VII

Greetings Readers and History-Lovers!

Today, Eagles and Dragons Publishing is pleased to announce the launch of the newest title in our marquee, award-winning and bestselling Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series set in the Roman Empire!

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire takes place roughly ten years after the end of The Blood Road (Book VI).

Fans of the series have been waiting a long time for this book and so, without further ado, we present to you The Hearts of Heroes…

The Hearts of Heroes: A Novel of the Roman Empire

At the peak of Rome’s might a dragon is born among eagles, an heir to a line both blessed and cursed by the Gods for ages. 

In the year A.D. 228, the Roman Empire, newly emerged from the trauma of a mad emperor’s reign, faces new threats from within and without.

In the distant province of Britannia, the family and friends of Lucius Pen Dragon have remained in hiding for over ten years, safe from the henchmen of Rome. But they have been struggling to come to terms with Lucius’ death. While most have accepted the loss, his wife and children yet cling to his memory. Grief has torn their family apart.

Having quit the sanctuary of Ynis Wytrin some years before, Adara Pen Dragon has not been heard from or seen by anyone. When her son, Phoebus, sets out in search of his mother, his sister, Calliope, fears that she has lost the remainder of her family.

Though it is widely known that Lucius is dead, Rome remembers the Dragon, his family, and his Sarmatian warriors. Augusta Julia Mamaea, paranoid and worried for the safety of her son, Emperor Alexander Severus, maintains that Lucius Pen Dragon lives. She decides to seek him out and recruit him to protect her imperial son. To that end, she sends a force of Praetorians to Britannia to search for the Dragon, his family, and his men to make them an offer they cannot possibly refuse. Once again they are hunted by Rome.

Can Lucius’ family and friends overcome their grief and find the strength to fight Rome one more time? Or will Rome finally succeed in wiping out the Dragon’s line once and for all?

Ultimately, survival rests on their faith, forgiveness, love, and the hidden strength found in the hearts of heroes…

We hope that fans of the Eagles and Dragons series will enjoy this newest instalment!

The Hearts of Heroes is available now in e-book, paperback, and deluxe hardcover editions from all major online retailers, brick and mortar chains, independent bookshops, public libraries, and direct from Eagles and Dragons Publishing.

To learn more and get ISBN# information for the edition of your choice CLICK HERE.

If you have not read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series, be sure to start with the prequel novel, A Dragon among the Eagles, which was recently named the WINNER of the 2025 NYC Big Book Award competition in the category of ‘Historical Fiction’.

We would like to thank all of the extremely loyal fans of the Eagles and Dragons series who have waited so patiently for this latest book.

We hope you enjoy the adventure!

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The World of The Stolen Throne- Part II – The Romans in Cornwall

Salvete, readers and history-lovers!

Welcome back to The World of The Stolen Throne!

Last week, in part one, we looked at Roman Exeter, and the evolution of that settlement from military camp to thriving civitas of Roman Britain. If you missed it, you can read that HERE.

This week, in part two, we’re taking a brief look at the Roman presence and remains in Cornwall, what was the ancient land of Dumnonia.

The ancient land of Dumnonia

Most of The Stolen Throne takes place in Cornwall, during the early third century A.D. However, was there such a thing as a ‘Roman Cornwall’? Did the Romans have a presence there at all?

Here is what is believed to be the first Roman reference to Cornwall:

The inhabitants of Britain who dwell about the promontory known as Belerium [modern Cornwall] are especially hospitable to strangers and have adopted a civilized manner of life because of their intercourse with merchants of other peoples. They it is who work the tin, treating the bed which bears it in an ingenious manner. This bed, being like rock, contains earthy seams and in them the workers quarry the ore, which they then melt down and cleanse of its impurities. Then they work the tin into pieces the size of knuckle-bones and convey it to an island which lies off Britain and is called Ictis [St. Michael’s Mount]: for at the time of ebb-tide the space between this island and the mainland becomes dry and they can take the tin in large quantities over to the island on their wagons. (Diodorus Siculus; Library of History, Book V, 22)

Diodorus Siculus (90 B.C. – A.D. 30) is the first Roman source to mention what was Dumnonia, or what we know today as Cornwall, and the picture he paints is not of a rebellious, warlike land, but one of hard-working, hospitable people who were no strangers to trade.

A Roman cargo ship, or ‘corbita’ (image: naval-encyclopedia.com)

Cornwall, it seems, was different to other parts of Britannia. This was the primary territory of the Dumnonii, Celtic Britons who also inhabited parts of what are today Somerset and Devon. They had close ties with the Celts of Brittany, and may have served as a refuge for them when Julius Caesar was completing his conquest of Gaul. The Dumnonii are supposed to have also had close ties with their Welsh neighbours.

It seems like the Dumnonii were well-connected with their Celtic cousins to the north and across the Channel, and this may have been because it Cornwall was an important stop on the trade route between Gaul and western Britannia. But when it comes to contact with the Romans, the interaction may have been minimal.

In fact, for a long time, it was believed that the Romans stopped at the border of Devon and went no further than Isca Dumnoniorum, or modern Exeter.

Cornwall was, perhaps, just too remote for heavy Roman colonization, unlike other parts of Britannia.

Professor Barry Cunliffe believed that Devon and Cornwall had lacked Romanization because the evidence indicated that the native Briton socio-economic system carried on in use to the west of Isca Dumnoniorum unlike other places.

Over the years, however, archaeology has revealed something of a Roman presence in Cornwall.

Map of Roman-era Cornwall (Ordance Survey map of Roman Britain). Pink marks indicate Roman sites.

In addition to some short stretches of Roman road that have been discovered, archaeologists and historians have identified three Roman forts at Tregear, near Nanstallon, Lostwithiel, at Restormel Castle, and a fort that seems to have been big enough to hold a garrison of five hundred men at Calstock.

Aerial view of site of Calstock Roman fort, Cornwall (image: webbaviation.co.uk)

Several Roman milestones have also been found in Cornwall, two of them near Tintagel Castle, one at Mynheer Farm, and two more near St. Michael’s Mount, the place Diodorus Siculus called ‘Ictis’.

One of the milestones at Tintagel is inscribed with the words ‘Imperator Caesar Licinius’ who was emperor from A.D. 308 to 313. Another inscription was found on a milestone from Trethevy referring to the ‘Imperial Caesars Trebonianus Gallus and Volusianus’ the joint father and son emperors from A.D. 251 to 253.

In addition to the finds above, a Roman villa was also discovered at Magor Farm, near Camborne, on the northwest coast of Cornwall.

Roman stone in St Materiana’s Church, Tintagel (Wikimedia Commons)

If there was little or no colonization or Romanization of Dumnonia by the Romans, why were there portions of road with milestones, at least one villa, and three significant forts?

The answer? Resources.

It seems that the Romans were mostly interested in Dumnonia for its resources, mainly tin and iron, and that the presence of troops there was to protect those resources.

But it wasn’t just tin and iron mines (near St. Austell) that they wanted to secure. In fact, the tin mines of Cornwall were being overshadowed by those in Iberia (Spain), much closer to Rome.

A recent discovery this past July, 2019, indicates that the Romans may also have been mining silver at the fort discovered in 2007 at Calstock, the fort that had a garrison of five hundred men.

2019 discovery of Roman mine workings in Cornwall (photo: University of Exeter)

It seems that the Romans had a larger presence in Cornwall than was previously thought, and that is exciting. I look forward to hearing more about future discoveries!

However, in The Stolen Throne, the land of Dumnonia is not a place of prosperous trade that welcomes visitors, as implied by Diodorus Siculus. The Roman forts are deserted, and the land is suffering.

In the story, a Roman officer and a Sarmatian lord follow their friend, a Dumnonian refugee returning to his homeland, to find a world that is not as it seems. And there, the story begins…

I hope you’ve enjoyed this second post in The World of The Stolen Throne. In part three, we’ll be taking a journey to Bodmin Moor, so be sure to tune in for that.

The Stolen Throne is now available in e-book and paperback from all major on-line retailers. If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for free by signing-up for the newsletter HERE.

Thank you for reading.

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part VII – The Severan Invasion of Caledonia: Victory or Failure?

In the midst of the emperor’s distress at the kind of life his sons were leading and their disgraceful obsession with shows, the governor of Britain informed Severus by dispatches that the barbarians there were in revolt and overrunning the country, looting and destroying virtually everything on the island. He told Severus that he needed either a stronger army for the defence of the province or the presence of the emperor himself. Severus was delighted with this news: glory-loving by nature, he wished to win victories over the Britons to add to the victories and titles of honour he had won in the East and the West. Be he wished even more to take his sons away from Rome so that they might settle down in the soldier’s life under military discipline, far from the luxuries and pleasures of Rome. And so, although he was now well advanced in years and crippled with arthritis, Severus announced his expedition to Britain, and in his heart he was more enthusiastic than any youth. During the greater part of the journey he was carried in a little, but he never remained very long in one place and never stopped to rest. He arrived with his sons at the coast sooner than anyone anticipated, outstripping the news of his approach. he crossed the channel and landed in Britain; levying soldiers from all the areas, he raise a powerful army and made preparations for the campaign.

(Herodian, History of the Empire, XIV,1-3)

Welcome to the seventh and final part in The World of Isle of the Blessed.

In Part VI, we looked at the mystery of decapitated Roman bodies found in York, and how they may relate to Caracalla’s rampage upon taking the imperial throne after the death of his father, Emperor Septimius Severus. If you missed that post, you can check it out HERE.

In Part VII, we are going to be looking at Severus’ Caledonian campaign that is the focus of Warriors of Epona (Eagles and Dragons – Book III) and the newest release in the series, Isle of the Blessed.

Marching Legions (Wikimedia Commons)

First of all, why did Septimius Severus march on Caledonia? The main reason most often given by the sources is that it was something he thought would give his unruly sons, Caracalla and Geta, focus. It was something to train them for the role of emperor. Severus was a big believer in the importance of nurturing the loyalty of the legions, and so perhaps he also hoped his sons would prove themselves and, in the process, earn that loyalty.

But there had to be more to it than a training exercise for his delinquent boys.

Severus’ Caledonian campaign was enormous. He moved on Caledonia with at least three full legions (the II Augusta, the VI Victrix, and the XX Valeria Victrix) as well as greater numbers of detachments and auxiliary units. When Septimius Severus took the imperial throne, he was immediately engaged in consolidating the Empire after the civil war, and then taking on the Parthian Empire. He was a military emperor, and he knew how to keep his troops busy, and how to reward them.

The Caledonians had been a thorn in Rome’s side for a long while at that time, but it was not until A.D. 208 that Severus was finally able to deal with them. And so, the imperial army moved to northern Britannia, poised to take on the Caledonians once again.

We’ve already touched on Severus’ campaign in The World of Warriors of Epona blog series. However, it’s important to note that this is believed to be the last real attempt by Rome to take a full army into the heart of barbarian territory.

Severus moved on the Caledonians with the greatest land force in the history of Roman Britain, making use of his predecessors’ fortifications (such as the Gask Ridge frontier) and roads, and penetrating almost as far as Agricola’s legions over a hundred years before.

The war may have been an opportunity to train and discipline Severus’ sons, but it seems evident that the true intention of the Caledonian campaign was to put a stop to the rebellious behaviour of the Caledonii, Maeatae and other Caledonian tribes.

Severus’ ultimate goal was the complete and permanent conquest of Caledonia.

Severan Campaigns in Caledonia (Wikimedia Commons)

There are two principal races of the Britons, the Caledonians and the Maeatae, and the names of others have been merged in these two. The Maeatae live next to the cross-wall which cuts the island in half, and the Caledonians are beyond them. Both tribes inhabit wild and waterless mountains and desolate and swampy plains, and possess neither walls, cities, nor tilled fields, but live on their flocks, wild game, and certain fruits; for they do not touch the fish which are there found in immense and inexhaustible quantities. They dwell in tents, naked and unshod, possess their women in common, and in common rear all the offspring. Their form of rule is democratic for the most part, and they are very fond of plundering; consequently they choose their boldest men as rulers. The go into battle in chariots, and have small, swift horses; there are also foot-soldiers, very swift running and very firm in standing their ground. For arms they have a shield and a short spear, with a bronze apple attached to the end of the spear-shaft, so that when it is shaken it may clash and terrify the enemy; and they also have daggers. They can endure hunger and cold and any kind of hardship; for they plunge into the swamps and exist there for many days with only their heads above water, and in the forests they support themselves upon bark and root…

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History 12,1)

It seems that Severus knew the Caledonian campaign would not be easy, for this was a huge offensive with a lot of military might behind it. However, one has to wonder if they knew what to expect. The Caledonii and the Maeatae were smart fighters. They knew their terrain, and their strengths. But they also knew Rome’s strengths, and so refused meet the legions in a pitched battle.

The result? A brutal guerrilla war.

…as he [Severus] advanced through the country he experienced countless hardships in cutting down forests, levelling the heights, filling up swamps, and bridging rivers; but he fought no battle and beheld no enemy in battle array. The enemy purposely put sheep and cattle in front of the soldiers for them to seize in order that they might be lured on still further until they were worn out; for in fact the water caused great suffering to the Romans, and when they became scattered, they would be attacked. Then, unable to walk, they would be slain by their own men, in order to avoid capture, so that a full fifty thousand died.

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History 14,1)

The Highlands of Caledonia

Severus’ Caledonian campaign was actually carried out in two phases. The first, explored in the novel Warriors of Epona, actually ended in a peace treaty in which Dio tells us that Severus “forced the Britons to come to terms, on the condition that they should abandon a large part of their territory.”

If Dio’s horrific number of fifty-thousand Roman casualties is to be believed (remember, ancient sources are often prone to exaggeration), then the Caledonii must have suffered even greater losses if they agreed to the terms.

It is here that one of the strangest episodes of the campaign occurred, though it had nothing to do with actual fighting, or the Caledonians.

On another occasion, when both [Severus and Caracalla] were riding forward to meet the Caledonians, in order to receive their arms and discuss the details of the truce, Antoninus [Caracalla] attempted to kill his father outright with his own hand. They were proceeding on horseback, Severus also being mounted, in spite of the fact that he had somewhat strained his feet as a result of his infirmity, and the rest of the army was following; the enemy’s force were likewise spectators. At this juncture, while all were proceeding in silence and in order, Antoninus reined in his horse and drew his sword, as if he were going to strike his other in the back. But the others who were riding with them, upon seeing this, cried out, and so Antoninus, in alarm, desisted from his attempt. Severus turned at their shout and saw the sword, yet he did not utter a word, but ascended the tribunal, finished what he had to do, and returned to headquarters.

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, 14,3)

When they had returned to base, Severus apparently chided his son before Castor, his freedman, and Papinianus, the Praetorian Prefect, both men whom Caracalla hated and who would later feel his wrath.

Ruins of Roman York – historic photo of the multiangular tower

It would seem that Septimius Severus, during the Caledonian campaign, was fighting a war on two fronts in a way – one in the glens and forests of Scotland, and the other at home. If the emperor was hoping that the campaign would bring his two sons closer together, he was wrong in that assessment. With Geta running the imperial administration in Eburacum (York) and Caracalla leading the troops in Caledonia, it seemed the rift between them was growing wider and wider.

After the treaty with the Caledonians was settled, Septimius Severus, growing more and more ill and infirm, returned to Eburacum. It was during this time that Caracalla is supposed to have tried to get his father’s doctors to speed  his demise, an act they refused to do at their own peril.

It was not long, however, before the Caledonians and Maeatae broke the treaty and the drums of war began to thrum once again. It is the second, bloody portion of the Caledonian campaign that takes place in Isle of the Blessed.

Cassius Dio quotes the ailing emperor’s words when he discovered that the Caledonians and Maeatae had broken the truce:

When the inhabitants of the island again revolted, he summoned the soldiers and ordered them to invade the rebels’ country, killing everybody they met; and he quoted these words:

“Let no one escape sheer destruction,

No one our hands, not even the babe in the womb of the mother,

If it be male; let it nevertheless not escape sheer destruction.”

When this had been done, and the Caledonians had joined the revolt of the Maeatae, he began to make war upon them in person. While he was thus engaged, his sickness carried him off on the fourth of February, not without some help, they say, from Antoninus.

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, 15,1)

Artist impression of Roman cavalry ala engaging Caledonians (illustration by Sean O’ Brogain)

The Romans began visiting brutal retaliation upon the enemy then, but all ground to a halt with the death of Emperor Septimius Severus at York.

It is at this point that Caracalla and Geta became co-rulers. However, Their primary objective now was to return to Rome and garner support.

The brothers, despite the hope of their parents, tutor, and others, were anything but harmonious.

Caracalla began gathering support and power unto himself, and it is at this time that he carried out the bloody killings hinted at by the discoveries at York we heard about in Part VI of this blog series.

One of the beheaded York Romans (Photo: York Archaeological Trust)

After the death of Septimius Severus, the Caledonian campaign came to an abrupt end:

Antoninus [Caracalla] assumed the entire power; nominally, it is true, he shared it with his brother, but in reality he ruled alone from the very outset. With the enemy he came to terms, withdrew from their territory, and abandoned the forts; as for his own people, he dismissed some…and killed others…

(Cassius Dio, The Roman History, 11,1)

The Severan invasion of Scotland was a massive campaign, involving hundreds of thousands of men. It was not nearly as large as his successful Parthian campaign in which he led thirty-three legions east, but it was one of the largest Roman operations on British soil.

50,000 Roman dead.

And how many more Caledonian and Maeatae casualties?

If Cassius Dio is correct, the numbers are staggering.

But was the campaign a victory or a failure for Rome? Was it worth it?

Severus had not only wished for the complete and permanent conquest of Caledonia, but also for the war to give his sons discipline, for it to bring them close together.

Perhaps Severus also wanted to add one more battle honour to his name – ‘Britannicus’?

If we are to believe Cassius Dio and Herodian, our primary sources for this period, we must conclude that Severus’ Caledonian campaign was more of a failure, not because Rome lost on the field of battle – indeed, despite the loss of life, they brought the tribes to their knees temporarily – but because the finalizing of the campaign was left in the hands of incapable heirs whose only concern was to return to Rome and gather power, heirs who continued to hate each other.

How many possible victories in history have been wasted in a greedy aftermath?

Roman re-enactors (Historic Scotland)

Caracalla and Geta abandoned Caledonia and returned to Rome with destruction and bitter enemies in their wake.

The forts of the Gask Ridge, the would-be northern capital of Horea Classis, and the Antonine wall, Trimontium and other forts were abandoned and silent once more. Rome’s allies in the fight, mainly the Votadini, were left to their own defences yet again.

The Caledonians and Maeatae had been paid off, and may have been quiet for a time, but they would rebel again…and again.

And so the cycle of powerful men wasting the lives of loyal troops in foreign wars echoes through history without end. And the same goes for the pain and suffering on both sides of any conflict.

The Severan invasion of Caledonia was just another such conflict.

And for the characters in Isle of the Blessed, the scars of that conflict will be long-lasting indeed.

Thank you for reading.

We hope you have enjoyed this blog series on The World of Isle of the Blessed. If you missed any of the posts, or would like to read them again, you can read the entire blog series by CLICKING HERE.

 Isle of the Blessed (Eagles and Dragons – Book IV) is available in e-book and paperback in most major on-line retailers HERE.

If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for FREE by signing-up for the newsletter HERE.

Stay tuned for our next blog series about Book V in the Eagles and Dragons series, The Stolen Throne (available now).

The history, archaeology and mythology continue, and we’re thrilled to have you along for the ride.

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part VI – Mass Murder in Roman York

After his father’s death, Caracalla seized control and immediately began to murder everyone in the court; he killed the physicians who had refused to obey his orders to hasten the old man’s death and also murdered those men who had reared his brother and himself because they persisted in urging him to live at peace with Geta. He did not spare any of the men who had attended his father or were held in esteem by him.

(Herodian, History of the Empire, XV-4)

Thus began the reign of Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Augustus, the emperor more commonly known as Caracalla.

Welcome back to The World of Isle of the Blessed, the blog series in which we look at the research that went into the creation of the latest Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy novel.

In Part V, we looked at the death of Emperor Septimius Severus in York. If you missed that post, you can read it HERE.

In Part VI we are going to explore the immediate aftermath of Severus’ death, and how a mysterious archaeological discovery gives some interesting clues about the bloody beginning of Caracalla’s reign.

Septimius Severus and Caracalla (painting by Jean-Baptiste Greuze; Department of Paintings of the Louvre)

It could be argued that the death of Septimius Severus in York (Roman Eburacum) in A.D. 211 was one of the most pivotal moments in Rome’s history, that it was perhaps the beginning of the end for the Empire.

Severus had always been a strong leader who had decisively won out over his opponents in the civil war, who had conquered the Parthian Empire, and perhaps most importantly, had nurtured the loyalty of the legions.

As Cassius Dio tells us, one of the final pieces of advice to both of his sons was to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men.”

But harmony between his sons and heirs, Caracalla and Geta, was something that would never come to be. As explored in Killing the Hydra (Eagles and Dragons Book II), after the death of Plautianus, Severus’ previous, traitorous Praetorian prefect, the two brothers were constantly at odds, running amok in Rome.

That was one of the reasons the sources give for the Caledonian campaign, that it was to give his sons a sense of purpose.

Gold aureus portraying Caracalla (as ‘Augustus’) and Geta (as ‘Caesar’)

His belief in his sons, especially in Caracalla, might have been Severus’ fatal flaw when it came to the health of the Empire. Dio tells us “he had often blamed Marcus [Aurelius] for not putting Commodus quietly out of the way and that he had himself often threatened to act thus toward his son [Caracalla]”.

But Severus erred and made the same mistake as Marcus Aurelius, and set his son upon the imperial throne. Only this time, there were two heirs, and if one thing is certain, imperial power was never easily shared.

Caracalla was obsessed with securing power…

When Septimius Severus finally passed away in Eburacum, (Roman York) on February, A.D. 211, Caracalla made his bid to secure power immediately.

As have other rulers in Rome’s history, he began by eliminating his perceived enemies, those who posed an immediate threat.

This did not include his brother Geta at first, for Geta was also well-loved by the men of the legions as Severus’ son, and Caracalla needed the legions’ loyalty.

Others were not so fortunate.

As Herodian tells us in the quote above, Caracalla began to “murder everyone in the court”.

But how and where did he do this?

In the early 2000s, a gruesome discovery beneath a patio in York hints at what might have happened. 

Headless bodies discovered in York (photo by York Archaeological Trust)

What this archaeological discover entailed aligns well with what we are told of Caracalla’s bloody start to his reign, and hints at the madness or paranoia that already had a hold on the young emperor.

As it turns out, the discovery in York entailed the burials of over 30 male skeletons, all of them between the ages of twenty and forty.

The strange thing about these skeletons was that they were all decapitated…executed. And they date to the beginning of Caracalla’s reign.

The heads of the bodies were places in strange positions – some by the feet or between the legs and some face down. There are even two skeletons in which the heads were exchanged, the one put with the other.

Archaeologists at work in York (photo: York Archaeological Trust)

Ancient Romans took death and burial seriously, but in this instance there is little respect shown to the skeletons.

From the forensic evidence, experts believe that these men were executed by beheading.

Some of the bones display horrific injuries too. A few show a single, clean cut through the vertebrae of the neck, but others show a brutal end with one skeleton displaying eleven separate cuts to the neck on all sides, plus a massive head trauma.

Praetorian officers

So, who were these men that Caracalla would strike so brutally at them?

The theories vary, but it seems likely that most of them were Praetorians who had been loyal, not only to his father, but to Papinianus, the Praetorian Prefect. These were men Caracalla felt he did not have their loyalty. But there were possibly others among the slain.

It is quite possible that among the dead are the remains of the doctors who refused to help speed the emperor’s passing when requested by Caracalla. Also, Severus’ loyal freedman, Castor, is a possible victim, for he was often at odds with the young Caesar and had Severus’ confidence. Another who had helped to rear Caracalla and Geta, and who is said to have often annoyed the former, was their tutor, Euodus. Was he also among the decapitated dead?

One of the decapitated bodies found as if thrown unceremoniously into the ‘grave’ (photo: York Archaeological Trust)

Whoever the victims of this massacre in Roman York were, they had incurred Caracalla’s anger in some way, and he made them pay for it before dumping their mangled corpses in a cemetery outside the walls of the city.

In Isle of the Blessed, this horrific event is one of the more grisly episodes in a history that, quite frankly, you just can’t make up.

Often, history is unbelievable, and when turning it into fiction, the stakes have to be raised.

So, what happens to the protagonist, Lucius Metellus Anguis, during Caracalla’s rampage in Isle of the Blessed?

You have to read the story to experience it for yourself.

Thank you for reading.

To learn more about the Severan invasion of Scotland as well as the archaeological discovery of the decapitated bodies at York, be sure to watch the Timewatch documentary below.

Tune in next week for the sixth post in The World of Isle of the Blessed when we will take a brief look at the Caledonian campaign and wether it was indeed a victory or not.

Isle of the Blessed is now available in e-book and paperback formats on major retailers. CLICK HERE to learn more.

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part IV – The Court of Severus in Eburacum

Welcome back to The World of Isle of the Blessed. We are at the midway point in this blog series about the history, archaeology and research that are related to Isle of the Blessed, the latest novel in the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series.

Last week in Part III, we took a tour of Glastonbury, Somerset and some of the sites that are featured in the novel. If you missed it, you can check it out HERE.

This week, in Part IV, we will be meeting some of the main players in the story, the members of Septimius Severus’ imperial court in Eburacum (modern York) when he spent three years there during the Caledonian campaign. Fans of the series will already be familiar with some, but others will be new, but no less interesting or important to this part of the story.

What was it like to be a part of the imperial court?

During the Caledonian campaign, Septimius Severus moved much of his government to Eburacum, the provincial capital of Britannia Inferior, the northern half of the province.

His entourage would have included not only his wife, sons, and other family members, but also an army of slaves, civil servants and more.

With the court moving to Eburacum for over three years, the city would have been bustling with activity. The markets would have been full with merchants and suppliers coming from around the Empire to provide for the great influx of civilians as well as the many thousands of auxiliary troops who came to Caledonia in addition to the legions that were already posted there.

Like any imperial court, however, there were camps with different intentions and interests working in the background. The glens of Scotland were not the only battlefields, and the period of Severus’ rule, perhaps especially during the Caledonian campaign, was a crucial time for the Empire.

So who were the main players at the imperial court, and where did their loyalties lie?

Severus had been ‘dying’ for years, but now, it seemed, the end was near, and the vultures were circling.

First, let us look at the family of Severus himself.

Septimius Severus and his family, Julia Domna, Caracalla and Geta (with face missing)

The Severans were a very interesting family and not without their tales of violence and greed and uniqueness of character. The period is not marked by something so brutal (not yet!) as the psychotic reign of Caligula, but there are certainly many more dimensions. It is a time of militarism, of a weakened Senate, a time of spymasters in various camps. It is a time marked by the rise of lower classes, the presence of powerful women and, over it all, a blanket of religious superstition at the highest levels. Many believe that it is this period in Rome’s history that marks the true beginning of the end of the Roman Empire.

In writing the Eagles and Dragons series, it has become obvious that Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) was, perhaps, one of the better emperors in Rome’s history. Sure, he was not Antoninus Pius (few were), but he was far better than say, Tiberius.

He was the son of an Equestrian from Leptis Magna in North Africa. When Commodus was killed in A.D. 192, Severus was governor of Pannonia. When the Praetorians decided to auction the imperial seat a short time later, Severus’ legions declared him Emperor. He subsequently defeated his two opponents who had also declared themselves Emperor: Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger. A purge of his opponents’ followers in the Senate and Rome made Severus sole ruler of the largest empire in the world.

Septimius Severus was a martial emperor, the army was his power and he knew how to use it, how to keep the legions loyal and happy. During his reign, he increased troops’ pay and in a radical move, allowed soldiers to get married. Severus was good to his troops, his Pannonian Legions and victorious Parthian veterans, some of whom fought for him in Caledonia. He promoted equestrians to ranks previously reserved for aristocrats and lower ranks to equestrian status. There was a lot of mobility within the rank system at the time due to Severus ‘democratization’ of the army. Remember, this was an emperor who favoured his troops, especially those who distinguished themselves. However, as Lucius Metellus Anguis discovers in Isle of the Blessed, there are prices to be paid. No favour is free, and being close to the imperial court can be perilous.

Emperor Septimius Severus

One of the most interesting characters of the period is Empress Julia Domna. She appears as one of the strongest women in Rome’s history, an equal partner in power with her husband who heeded her advice but also respected her. Julia Domna was the first of the so-called ‘Syrian women’, hailing from Antioch where her father had been the respected high priest of Baal at Emesa (Homs in modern Syria).

Julia Domna was also highly intelligent, known as a philosopher, and had a group of leading scholars and rhetoricians about her. They came from around the Empire to be a part of her circle, to win commissions from her. Her strength also bought her a great many enemies, including the previous Praetorian Prefect and kinsman to Severus, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus. In Caledonia however, years after the death of Plautianus, with her husband’s health deteriorating rapidly, she must have worried a great deal about the dual succession of their sons, Caracalla and Geta, both of whom brought a tenseness to the court.

Julia Domna

By all accounts Caracalla and Geta, Severus’ heirs, were both at odds much of the time. The two brothers seem to have tolerated each other’s presence and competed fiercely back in Rome, even in the hippodrome where at one point they raced each other so aggressively on their chariots that they ended up with several broken bones, almost leaving their father without a successor.

Caracalla seems to have been the favourite of the empress, though in later years Julia Domna does come to Geta’s defence, however much in vain.

One of the main reasons the sources give for the Caledonian campaign was that Septimius Severus believed it would be good for his sons, a way to teach them, give them focus, and prepare them to succeed him together. If anything, however, the angry chasm between the brothers grew worse the more their father’s light faded.

Caracalla

Caracalla, the older of the two brothers and about twenty-two at the time of the campaign, was the more martial of the pair. While Geta was appointed to administer the province from Eburacum, Caracalla went north to fight alongside the troops.

Did resentment build in the young Caesar as he fought, away from the court? Suspicion? Paranoia? Perhaps it was all of that and more? During the first phase of the Caledonian campaign, when Severus was about to agree to peace with Argentocoxus, the Caledonian leader, it is said that Caracalla nearly murdered his father in front of everyone, an episode that plays out in the previous novel, Warriors of Epona.

Caracalla was eager for the imperial throne, so much so that, as Herodian tell us, “he tried to persuade the physicians to harm the old man in their treatments so that he would be rid of him more quickly.”

Denarius of Publius Septimius Geta

And what of Geta, Severus’ younger son and heir?

He seems to have been entrusted with much as far as the administration of Britannia during the Caledonian campaign, so he must have been skilled to some extent. However, from what little we know of him, he was not the survivor that his brother was, and most likely lacked the ambition that was needed in the imperial court.

He was respected by people at court and by the army, but this was perhaps due more to his parentage and position than his actions over the course of his short life.

Whatever impact Geta had over the years, perhaps the most prominent was his ability to anger his brother by way of his mere existence.

Aemilius Papinianus

One of the main players at the imperial court was Aemilius Papinianus, or ‘Papinian’ (A.D. 150-212), Prefect of the Praetorian Guard.

Papinianus is a fascinating man, a man of intelligence who was thrust, perhaps unwillingly, into one of the most powerful and perilous positions in the Roman Empire.

After the death of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus in A.D. 205, as told in Killing the Hydra, Severus appointed Papinianus as prefect of the guard. Before that, he had been a brilliant jurist (lawyer), legal expert, and had served as Severus’ main secretary. He was Syrian, and it seems likely that he was a cousin of the empress, Julia Domna. Perhaps that is why he was so trusted.

Papinianus, in his day, wrote many legal texts and was a great believer in the equity of the law. But what must he have thought to see the risk of all that Severus built over the years – with his advice – turning to ash after the succession of Caracalla and Geta?

It must have been dark days for the reluctant Praetorian Prefect.

Domitius Ulpianus

Lurking in the shadows of Papinianus was his long-time apprentice and fellow jurist, Domitius Ulpianus, or ‘Ulpian’ (A.D. 170-223).

It seems that Ulpianus was also a brilliant lawyer who served as a secretary under Severus (beneath Papinianus), and then became Papinianus’ right hand when the latter was made Praetorian Prefect.

Interestingly, Ulpianus’ writings were very influential on Roman law and later, on the laws of Medieval Europe.

But what must he have thought constantly playing second to Papinianus? Did the apprentice ever feel jealous of the master, or try to outdo him? We don’t know for certain, but what we do know is that he survived the tough years ahead, and so he must have been close to Caracalla. In fact, Ulpianus went on to become sole Praetorian Prefect in A.D. 223 under Emperor Severus Alexander. He must have been a survivor.

A Roman tutor and his students

There are two other men who played a very prominent role at the imperial court, who had the emperor and empress’ utmost trust, but who had also incurred the wrath of Caracalla.

Euodus, was the long-time tutor of Caracalla and Geta, and was still with the family when they went north during the Caledonian campaign. It seems that life was easier when the young caesars were smaller, but as the years went by and the animosity between them grew worse, Euodus’ job was more to try and nurture harmony between the brothers, something he evidently failed at.

This man may have felt he had much influence at court, and perhaps he did. But his constant attentions, his preachings perhaps, would prove to be more of an aggravation to Caracalla. Euodus would pay for it.

Roman freedmen

Likewise, Castor, who was Septimius Severus’ most trusted chamberlain, had a prominent role at court. He was a freedman of Severus’, elevated from a lowly rank to having the emperor’s ear, and his confidence, on a daily basis.

It is said that Castor was one of the imperial court members who most annoyed Caracalla. He was there at every turn, even when Severus reprimanded his son for attempting to kill him in front of the Caledonii at the end of the first campaign.

As Cassius Dio tell us, both Castor and Euodus did not fare well when Severus finally passed.

Astrology played an enormous role in the life and decisions of Septimius Severus

There were others who played a crucial role in the imperial court and would have been present at Eburacum during Severus’ time there.

As almost fanatical believers in astrology, Septimius Severus and Julia Domna would have had their primary astrologer, possibly named Artemidoros, with them at all times. He would have done daily readings for them, advised on any action, civic, personal, or military, and was probably the one who determined the date of Severus’ death before they even left Rome.

The sources say little to nothing about him, but his role would have been an important one, his influence upon the emperor and empress great.

Artist impression of a Roman doctor at work

As someone who would have been ill for many years, Septimius Severus would have required medical attention on a daily basis, especially at the end. His physicians would have been there, at the heart of imperial politics, hearing and seeing much, including Caracalla’s aforementioned request to speed his father’s passing.

These doctors, who had refused Caracalla’s request (threat?), likely grew extremely wary as their patient’s health deteriorated more by the day in the British climate.

Roman York (Eburacum), c. A.D. 210. Aerial reconstruction by Tracy Croft, English Heritage

To this point, we’ve discussed the people whom we know to have been present at the imperial court. In truth, however, there would have been many hundreds (thousands?) who were a part of the imperial machine and civil service who were present in Eburacum. After all, the Empire was being administered from there during that time.

There are also some other key players who may have been present.

It is quite possible that Julia Domna’s sister, Julia Maesa, may have been present. After her sister, Julia Maesa was perhaps one of the most influential of the ‘Syrian Woman’. She and her daughters, Julia Soaemias Bassiana and Julia Avita Mamaea (mother of later Emperor Severus Alexander) would be extremely influential in the years to come.

It would not be surprising if Julia Maesa were present at court, close to the heart of things. She was apparently close to Caracalla too, and this would have protected her and her daughters. She survived until A.D. 226.

Gold ‘aureus’ of Julia Maesa

With much of the government following the emperor, one has to wonder if there were not also a certain number of senators present in Eburacum as well.

If so, it is possible that Cassius Dio was there. As the primary, contemporary source for the reign of Septimius Severus, it would not be surprising if he were present in Britannia for at least a portion of the campaign.

How many Roman senators might have been present in Eburacum? Was Cassius Dio among them?

Then there is Caracalla’s wife, Plautilla, and her brother Plautius. Were they present? Or did Caracalla want to keep her as far from him as possible, as it was said that she was ever an annoyance to him in previous years.

If the names of Plautilla and Plautius are somewhat familiar to you, it may be that that is because they are the children of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, the traitorous Praetorian Prefect who was dispatched by Caracalla and others in a plot in A.D. 205, with Julia Domna no doubt working toward that end in the background.

As for his wife and brother-in-law, Cassius Dio said that Caracalla had them killed when to took power, but whether it was immediately, or upon his return to Rome is not stated.

Map of Roman Britain prior to reign of Severus (Wikimedia Commons)

Another person who may have been in Eburacum for much of the time, and who may have found his work partially hi-jacked by the presence of the imperial family and the administrations of Geta, was Gaius Junius Faustinus Postumianus. He was the provincial governor of Britannia Superior, based in Londinium.

Faustinus was an officer in the army previously, before being appointed governor. What did he think about the presence of the imperial court in Britannia, or the waging of war at the borders of his province? No doubt the situation brought him many benefits, but also many headaches, especially when Severus passed from the world.

Of one thing we can be certain, and that is that an imperial court was not a place for the faint of heart.

Who survived, and who fell? Did being close to Severus’ sun mean you would get burned, or thrive?

For a writer of historical fiction, these are interesting questions to be explored with different answers for each player in the drama.

If anything, life at the court of Severus in Eburacum would have been anything but dull, despite the fact that they were on the virtual edge of the Empire.

Thank you for reading.

Isle of the Blessed is now available in e-book and paperback from all major on-line retailers. If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for free by signing-up for the newsletter HERE.

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part II – Roman Lindinis: The Small Town with Big Ambitions

Welcome back to The World of Isle of the Blessed, the blog series in which we take a look at the research, history and archaeology that went into the latest novel in the Eagles and Dragons historical fantasy series.

In Part I, we looked at the hillfort of South Cadbury Castle which is one of the major settings of the book. If you missed that post, you can read it HERE.

In Part II, we’re going to be taking a look at another place that plays an important role in Isle of the Blessed: Roman Lindinis.

The settlement of Lindinis (also known as ‘Lendiniae’), as it is known in the seventh century Ravenna Cosmography (a list of place names from India to Ireland) is actually modern Ilchester, in Somerset, England.

Lindinis, as it was known during the Roman period, was located just a few miles from South Cadbury Castle, and Glastonbury, Somerset. This fifty acre settlement lies where the Dorchester road interests with the Fosse Way, one of the major roads of Roman Britain.

Map showing the route of the Fosse Way from Exeter to Lincoln, and running through Ilchester

During the Roman period, Somerset was an agriculturally rich area of the Empire, with many villa estates, such as that of Pitney (which also features in the story). These estates’ primary business was in crops such as spelt wheat, oats, barley and rye. The also raised livestock, mainly cattle, but also sheep, horses, goats, and pigs.

These Roman villa owners were wealthy, and Lindinis was one of the main markets where they brought their crops and livestock.

Aeneas and Dido mosaic from Low Ham Roman Villa near Ilchester

Lindinis was not always a Roman settlement, however.

It was originally a Celtic oppidum, a native center that consisted of a large enclosure with homes, food stores and livestock. One imagines Celtic Somerset as a place of peace and vitality.

But, in A.D. 43 the Romans arrived with the advent of the Claudian invasion of Britain. Forty-five thousand troops marched over the land, including four legions, and the native Britons fought, and lost. Vespasian, the future emperor, stormed the southern hillforts of Britain, including South Cadbury Castle, ushering in an age of Roman domination.

Possible remains of one of Lindinis’ Roman forts

Eventually, at Lindinis, two successive forts were built on the site to the south of the river: one from Nero’s reign, and another during the Flavian period. There is also evidence for a third fort to the northeast of the river crossing where a double ditch enclosure has been discovered.

Plan of Pre-Roman and Early Roman Ilchester (image from the Ilchester Parish Council)

The Roman invasion of Britain was a violent time, and that violence carried on through the Boudiccan revolt of A.D. 59. But when the blood stopped flowing, an age of Pax Romana settled on the southwest of Britannia, and Lindinis was at the heart of it.

Lindinis, however, was not the main settlement of Roman Somerset. To maintain peace and order, and keep the economy running, the Romans instituted various civitates, centres of local government in which tribal groups of the region participated.

The centre of town, what might later have been market

The council of a civitas was known as an ordo, and the members of the ordo were decurions, overseen by an executive, elected curia of two men. The ordo of a civitas usually included Romans, tribal aristocrats or local chieftains, and it was their job to administer local justice, put on public shows, see to religious taxation, the census, and represent the civitas in Londinium. Supreme authority, however, belonged to the Provincial Governor who was aided by a procurator, the ‘tax man’.

Ilchester crossing of the River Yeo. Remains of the Roman fort to the left.

There were three major civitates during the Roman period in southwestern Britannia: Durnovaria (modern Dorchester) the civitas of the Durotriges tribe, Isca Dumnoniorum (modern Exeter) the civitas of the Dumnonii, and to the north Corinium Dobunnorum (modern Cirencester) the tribal centre of the Dobunni.

Despite its large market and location at a crossroads along the artery of the Fosse Way over the river Yoe – in the southwest, the Fosse Way ran from Isca Dumnoniorum (modern Exeter) to Aquae Sulis (modern Bath) – Lindinis was not one of the major civitates of the region, though it did rival nearby Durnovaria.

Ilchester’s bridge over the river Yeo

In addition to a thriving market where wine, oil, clothing, ornaments, jewellery, tools, pottery and glass were sold, Lindinis also had gravel and stone streets, and stone walls (later). People also came to Lindinis to pay their taxes.

Where the road diverges in Ilchester – the left to Exeter, the right to Dorchester. See the bridge over the river directly ahead.

There was also a small garrison.

Lindinis may have seen itself as the civitas Durotrigum Lendiniensium, but it could not be an official civitas as one of the requirements for civitas status was a basilica or forum. Lindinis did not have either of those.

Plan of late Roman Ilchester (map from the Ilchester Parish Council)

Roman Lindinis had a large role to play in the economy of Roman Somerset, but perhaps not as large as its ordo would have liked. It also found itself in difficult situations during its time, for during the civil war (A.D. 193) between Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus, Lindinis was forced to declare for Clodius Albinus who was in Britannia when he made his claim. At this time, new defences were built around Lindinis, as if in anticipation of the trouble to come.

Ah…politics.

In the book, Isle of the Blessed, Lucius Metellus Anguis, the main protagonist in the Eagles and Dragons series, has several run-ins with the ordo members of Lindinis’ ruling council who see him as a person of influence at the imperial court, a man who could help their small town to become much more.

Historically, despite its lack of a proper forum or basilica, it seems that Lindinis did succeed in attaining a measure of civitas status, for along Hadrian’s Wall, two inscriptions have been found bearing the name of a detachment from the ‘Civitas Durotragum Lendiniensis’, or the ‘Lindinis tribe of the Durotriges’.

This, despite the presence of the other three, official civitas settlements Durnovaria, Isca, and Corinium.

Who knows? Perhaps the persuasiveness of the ordo members of Lindinis, the settlement’s important location, and the size of its market helped to sway the Roman authorities to grant civitas status.

In Isle of the Blessed, we see how far the local politicians are willing to go.

I hope you’ve enjoyed part two of The World of Isle of the Blessed.

Next week, in Part III, we will look at the history, myth and legend surrounding what is known in Isle of the Blessed as Ynis Wytrin, that is, Glastonbury, England.

Thank you for reading.

Isle of the Blessed is now available in e-book and paperback from all major on-line retailers. If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for FREE by clicking HERE.

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The World of Isle of the Blessed – Part I – The Dragon’s Domus

Salvete, readers and history-lovers!

Welcome to The World of Isle of the Blessed!

In this seven-part blog series, we’re going to be taking a look at the research that went into my latest historical fantasy release, Isle of the Blessed, Book IV in the #1 bestselling Eagles and Dragons series.

Over the next few weeks, I’ll take you on a journey through the world of early third-century Roman Britain in which we will look at the history, archaeology, and historical events that took place during this pivotal time in the Roman Empire in which the book is set.

In this first post, we’re taking a closer look at a site that is well-known to Arthurian enthusiasts: the hillfort of South Cadbury Castle.

South Cadbury from the North

At the very south ende of the chirche of South-Cadbyri standith Camallate, sumtyme a famose toun or castelle… The people can tell nothing ther but that they have hard say that Arture much resorted to Camallate. (John Leland, Royal Antiquary, 1532)

The hillfort of South Cadbury Castle in Somerset, England, is one of the major locations in Isle of the Blessed. However, most people are familiar with it as a site with strong Arthurian associations. As such, its importance and role is hotly debated.

Though Isle of the Blessed is not a story of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table, it is difficult not to speak of this important Iron Age site without discussing the Arthurian connection.

Was South Cadbury Castle the power centre of the historical Romano-British warlord, or dux bellorum, we know as ‘King Arthur’? Was this the actual site of what has come to be known in the popular imagination as ‘Camelot’?

I’ve always been a strong proponent of the theory that there was in fact, an historical ‘Arthur’ who formed the factual basis for all the legends we love and cherish. So, when I look at sites such as South Cadbury, I do so with that in mind. However, that doesn’t mean that I accept a site’s association with Arthur on faith alone. 

Adam Alexander Haviaras filming on top of South Cadbury Castle

I know this site pretty well – as I studied it and wrote about it as part of my Master’s dissertation entitled “Camelot: A look at the historical, archaeological, and toponymic evidence for King Arthur’s Capital”. As part of this, I looked at three of the main candidates for Camelot that had been put forward at the time – Wroxeter (Roman Viroconium), Roxburgh Castle (in the Scottish Borders), and South Cadbury. There is a copy of the dissertation hidden somewhere in the stacks at the St. Andrews University library in Scotland.

South Cadbury Castle is also where I cut my teeth as an archaeologist as part of the South Cadbury Environs Project team for a couple of seasons under the leadership of Richard Tabor. This was a wonderful experience that helped me to get up close and personal with the site I had studied for so long – I dug test pits, got into bigger trenches in which curious cows came to watch what I was doing, carried out geophysical surveys with a magnetometer, and found some curious objects such as a bronze dolphin that formed the handle of a Roman drinking cup. 

Most of all, I was given the chance to spend more time on this amazing, and yes, magical, landscape.

And a couple years ago, when doing research for Isle of the Blessed, I returned to South Cadbury where I also filmed a mini-documentary on the site (coming out later this year!).

British Belgic Warriors of the Iron Age – Illustrated by Angus McBride (source – Rome’s Enemies 2 – Gallic and British Celts)

Before I give my thoughts on wandering the slopes of South Cadbury Castle, we should have a look at what it actually is. 

South Cadbury Castle is not the late medieval castle with banners flying from tall towers that make up our usual image of Camelot. It is a 500 foot high Iron Age hillfort located in the pre-Roman era lands of the Durotriges. Occupation of the site began in the Neolithic period and it went through various stages of occupation from the 5th century B.C. onward.

By the time of the Roman invasion of Britain, it had four massive defensive ramparts with an inner area of about 18 acres. Access to the top was by two entrances, one to the north-east and the other, larger one, to the south-west. The Iron Age occupation of the site came to a violent end around A.D. 43 when Vespasian stormed the southern hillforts of Britannia. 

Aerial view of South Cadbury Castle

The Romans made little use of the site, though there have been some theories that it was used as a Roman supply station. This theory is explored in Isle of the Blessed and the Eagles and Dragons series. In the 3rd and 4th centuries, there was renewed activity with visits being made to a Romano-Celtic temple that was built on the site.

Location of the Romano-British temple in the south-east sector of the hillfort of South Cadbury Castle

During excavations, a bronze letter ‘A’ was found that some believe belonged to this temple, which was perhaps dedicated to Mars, or some other deity.

However, when it comes to South Cadbury Castle, the periods that have always drawn me to it are the 5th and 6th centuries A.D. This period of the site is known as the ‘Arthurian’ period, and it is at this time, after Rome’s legions had left the island, that the archaeology shows a massive refortification of the hillfort. 

6th Century British Warriors – Illustrated by Agnus McBride (source – Arthur and the Anglo-Saxon Wars)

Though it is much debated, South Cadbury’s association with the Arthurian period stems not just from hearsay and folklore. It has the archaeological evidence to back it up. 

There have been a few big excavations of the hillfort over the years, but the biggest of all took place in the late 1960s and was headed by Professor Leslie Alcock. Professor Alcock and his team discovered evidence for a large scale occupation and refortification of the hillfort, during the Arthurian period, which showed repaired defences, including a strong gatehouse at the south-west entrance, and most importantly, several buildings, including a kitchen and a large timber hall on the fort’s high plateau. 

The discovery of post holes reveals a finely-built timber hall that was on a large scale, measuring about 63×34 feet. This hall would not have been the great castle hall of late medieval romance, but rather something like the timber drinking halls of the period, more like to the Golden Hall of Meduseld, the seat of King Theoden in Lord of the Rings. 

South Cadbury Timber Hall (Leslie Alcock)

Another very telling discovery at Cadbury Castle was the large quantity of Mediterranean pottery that dates to the Arthurian period of activity. This is the same pottery type that was discovered at Tintagel Castle in Cornwall, a site that also has strong Arthurian associations. One might think that shards of pottery from wine, olives and olive oil might be pretty mundane, but they anchor the sites strongly in the period, and also show that someone of importance was associated with the site. Not everyone could afford to import such things through trade. 

The refortification of the hillfort during the Arthurian period was on a massive scale, and would have required many resources and men to hold it. South Cadbury castle was, in a way, on the front lines of the British struggle against the invading Saxons, and would have been well-placed to meet the Saxons as they advanced westward. 

Based on the refortification, and evidence of the gatehouse that linked the ramparts running over the cobbled road at the south-west corner, this place was likely the base for an army that was large by the standards of the period. It may have been the site of the court of the dux bellorum, or the historical Arthur. 

Artist Reconstruction of the South-west gate – Illustrated by Peter Dennis (Source – British Forts in the Age of Arthur)

I am only scratching the surface here, as far as the archaeological finds. For a more academic look at South Cadbury Castle, you will want to read the upcoming Historia series release Camelot: The Historical, Archaeological and Toponymic Considerations for South Cadbury Castle as King Arthur’s Capital. (Make sure you are signed-up to the mailing list be notified of that release)

South Cadbury Castle was finally abandoned in the early 11th century when it was being used as a royal mint during the reign of the Saxon king, Aethelred.

Current residents of South Cadbury Castle

Today, South Cadbury Castle is a quiet hill in the midst of the Somerset countryside where it lies just south of the A303 motorway. The levels of its steep ring fortifications are now overgrown with trees and scrub, and cows roam the fields surrounding it. 

When you visit, you pull your car into the small car park at the south end of the village of South Cadbury, just east of the hillfort. From the lane, you can’t really tell what you’re looking at. It seems like a steep, forested hill with a path leading up.

Path leading up to the north-east gate of South Cadbury Castle

This path leads up to the north-east gate of the hillfort, and for me, it was always the gateway to another time, another realm. 

It’s difficult to approach this site and reconcile the archaeologist/historian side of me with the romantic. Arthurian lore runs deep in my veins, and has had a hold on my psyche since I was very young. The first time I visited the site, I could almost hear the call of clear trumpets and the thumping of horses’ hooves upon the ground as knights returned home from their adventures, their horses brightly caparisoned, their armour shining brightly in the light of the Summer Country. 

Camelot by Gustave Dore

Of course, I know that is not how it was during the Arthurian period, but this is a place and story that fires the imagination. Cadbury Castle’s associations with Arthur include a hollow hill where he sleeps until he is needed again, the site of ‘Arthur’s Well’, a place on the slopes where his horse drank when he led the Wild Hunt, and of course the location of Camelot. 

To me, however, the idea of South Cadbury as the main fortress of a Romano-British warlord leading a group of skilled cavalry in a last stand against the invading Saxons is no less romantic. 

During my subsequent visits, I would ascend the dirt and rock path leading up to the northeast gate and pause with reverence for the history of the place. I would imagine looking ahead, up the slope to the central plateau of the hillfort to the great wooden hall where smoke from the hearth of Arthur’s hall wafted into the sky as he and his warriors discussed the fight for their lives and their Romano-British heritage.

Plateau of South Cadbury where the timber hall was located

The warriors that manned the ramparts of South Cadbury, who dined in the hall, and who rode out to meet the Saxons, have been wrapped in the fabric of myth, as much as the Isle of Avalon not ten miles distant, in Glastonbury. But they certainly left a mark on the place, on history and folklore. 

As I walk the grass-covered ramparts of South Cadbury, watching the crows dive in the winds above the steep slopes, I can’t help but wonder if Arthur, Gawain, Bors, Tristan, Bedwyr, Cai and others walked that same path, a wary eye out for a sign of the enemy that would shatter the peace they had fought so hard for at the famed battle of Mons Badonicus.

Arthur in battle beneath the Dragon banner

Rarely have I felt so at peace and nostalgic as I have when walking around this hillfort. I can still smell the damp grass and feel the sun on my face. In my mind, I still watch the puffs of white cloud blowing over the Somerset landscape as I pause to gaze to the north-west and see Glastonbury Tor rising out of the earth. 

In ages past, when the levels flooded, the distance between Cadbury Castle and Glastonbury might have been crossed by boat if you knew the way and which rivers to take. Indeed, one of the discoveries found around the hillfort was a boat. 

South Cadbury Castle is, in some ways, closely tied to Avalon, and you can feel that as you look from the top of one to the other. This too is explored in Isle of the Blessed.

Glastonbury Tor from South Cadbury

After making a round of the ramparts, and standing on the roadway of the south-west gate, I would always spend a good amount of time on the plateau, watching the sky and letting my imagination take hold. 

The beauty of visiting a site, rather than looking at in a book or online, is that direct connection with the past, with the history of the place. 

Yes, many of the stories we know and love about Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table are medieval fabrications. But I do believe that every legend has its base in fact, and so it’s a comfort to know that the layers of myth and legend are veined with elements of possible truth and history.

The Knights of the Round Table (Edward Burne Jones)

Many people will disagree, and that’s ok. When it comes to Arthur we will never reach a consensus.

However, considering the archaeological evidence at South Cadbury Castle, along with its location and the apparent activity during the Arthurian period, it seems quite possible that if there was an historical Arthur, he would undoubtedly have been familiar with this magnificent hillfort.

Was this just another strong point in the British defensive network? Or was it the Arthurian power centre that has come to be known as Camelot? 

Whatever the answer is, it is surely fascinating, and perhaps unattainable. But then, that is what makes these historical mysteries so intriguing. 

If you ever manage to roam the lands In Insula Avalonia, just be sure to make your way to South Cadbury Castle. Walk up the steep slopes, and through the gate, and know that you may just be walking in the footsteps of Arthur.

The steep, southern ramparts of South Cadbury Castle

I hope you’ve enjoyed this first part of The World of Isle of the Blessed.

Be sure to tune in for Part II in which we will look the history of another setting in Isle of the Blessed: the village of Ilchester, Roman Lindinis.

Thank you for reading.

Isle of the Blessed is now available in e-book and paperback from all major on-line retailers. If you haven’t read any books in the Eagles and Dragons series yet, you can start with the #1 bestselling A Dragon among the Eagles for just 0.99! Or get the first prequel novel, The Dragon: Genesis, for free by signing-up for the newsletter HERE.

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